OK, OK, I know Tampa stomped Oakland. You know I don't really care that much about football, and Oakland's not even my favorite team, but they hadn't been in the Show for awhile so I was rooting for them. Of course Tampa had never been to the Superbowl, but thanks to trading 8 draft picks for the guy who coached Oakland last year, they won it all. My hat's off to Tampa Bay.As to whether that's really Franklin in the videos, all I can say is, haven't you ever seen him with his hair down?

I just heard that Bob's fat ass butt ugly neice has a wicked case of genital warts. Funny. Bob has a wicked case of genital warts too... Hmmmmm...

Hack:"Oakland's going to stomp Tampa Bay!"Sorry dude. Tampa (as you know) kicked serious ass! My neice was pulling for tampa too. I won't mention her name beause of that dumbfuck Vermin,but thought I'd add that fact so you know I'm really me.Blowback,you need to setup a registration process so imping won't occur.

Hack, is that really C..... S......?

And now for some comic relief (that means a joke, Verm):Check out this site for a few clips of Blowback vocalist (Ben) Franklin relaxing in his spare time. (There's also a clip of rock-star-wannabe Michael Bolt-On.)http://www.gyromart.com/commercials.php

Interesting observation, Verm. Too bad you already made clear that you don't care what I think anyway. I would have been willing to bet a Franklin (i.e., a $100 bill) on the game and you could have made some money. Oh well.BTW, what the hell does "loosing" mean?

Nice pick on the game Hack. Looks like you're on the loosing side once "moore"...

Oh Verm Oh VermMy heart pines for you oh verm oh vermTell us about Rumsfeld oh verm oh vermTell us about Poindexter oh verm oh vermAnd buy our CD to put next to Foner's work. You've never read him, oh verm oh verm.

Of course you don't care what I think, Verm; that's why you refuse to answer the very same questions you insist others answer.But I believe you did initiate correspondence to me under the alias "Jim Bradey," when I asked if anyone wanted to discuss Michael Moore's "Bowling for Columbine." At that time I signed in as Hack, which is nothing more than a nickname for Haskell that I've had for over 20 years. After someone (probably you) began signing in as Hack and putting words in my mouth, I decided to use my real name, Haskell, but I made it clear when I forwarded the email about the Sundance Film Festival that Hack and Haskell are the same person.And on second thought, in a limited sense you DO care what others think, or you wouldn't continue to hide behind multiple aliases. COWARD!

BTW Haskell, I mean Haskell or Haskell:I don’t recall ever initiating or engaging in any correspondences with you... I really don’t give a fuck about what you think.

Vermin Scum (can I call you "Verm" for short?), The only masquerade I see here is a coward, you, pretending to be a patriot by insulting conscientious Americans under cover of the anonymity afforded by using multiple aliases. At least the members of Blowback have the courage to stand up for what they believe. You have yet to do the same. You won't even answer the very questions you pose to "test" others' patriotism, such as have YOU ever volunteered for the armed forces? As you yourself said under one of your earlier aliases, "Your silence on these matters is deafening."BTW, you left out the third "e" in "Berkeley." I'm not usually so pedantic, but since you earlier made such a point of ridiculing colloquial ethnic speech, I think it's fair to point out you seem to have a problem with certain vowels.Happy Superbowl Sunday, "Jim Bradey." I mean, "Jim Brady." I mean, "Verm." Oakland's going to stomp Tampa Bay!

Franklin,You filthy leftist bastard!! You make me laugh. Foner??? (HA HA HA!!!) I keep his crap next to the Michael Moore section on the far left of my bookshelf. You are so blinded by your extreme socialist one-world views that you can’t see revisionist history masquerading as fact. You once again justified that you are in fact a “blame America for everything” liberal America hater. (Prove me wrong. All of your lyrics are negative. There are none that say anything positive about America) Poor bitter little boy, I feel for you. It must be hard for you living in a fantasy. Did you go to Berkley?

(Speaking only for myself, as usual): I am a friend of the band Blowback, not a member, and I did not see the performance broadcast on c-span. However, I have a copy of the band's cd, I've listened to it, and I've read the lyrics. Though I do not agree with everything in the lyrics (how many people agree with anyone 100%?), I did not find anything in them that I would consider "anti-American." Anti-war, yes, but anti-American, no.To answer your question about joining the armed forces: when I turned 18, I registered with the Selective Service as required by law. I was never drafted, and it would be fair to say that I never volunteered to become a paid, professional soldier in peacetime and also that, since the time I reached adulthood, the U.S. has not been involved in a war I supported. (I did not support the first Gulf War.) However, I would have volunteered in WWII. So does that make me unpatriotic...or worse, un-American?Now, please answer your own question: have YOU ever volunteered for the armed forces?

WOW!! "Vermin Scum" is a real fan!!! You've been visiting us since September? I suggest you read Eric Foner's "Story of American Freedom" or perhaps the Collected Works of Thomas Jefferson; how about the speeches of Patrick Henry? And while you're at it, tell us what your wise leader Rumsfeld said about draftees. Come on, surely you're not scared??Wait, now I'm confused!! You said I'm "vermin scum." Wait, I thought YOU were "vermin scum." or has your tongue fallen out of your cheek? Oh poo!!POO POOO POOOH Vermin Scum!! Poo Poo

How does one go about responding to someone who is in such denial as yourself. . . You perform for and are aligned with anti-American groups. I saw you on C-Span. I heard your message. You are anti-American. You are the vermin scum who rail against the very country that gives you the freedom to do so. You hide behind the Constitution when it suits your needs and spit on it when it does not. Why don’t you use all of your vast tax exempt 501C3 resources to gather up all of your comrades and take a one-way trip to Iraq. I heard the human shield brigade is looking for more volunteers. As for the Secretary of Defense’s comments, please (oh please) do tell me what parts are inaccurate. Have you ever volunteered to serve in the armed forces? It scares the hell out of me to think of spineless anti-Americans like yourselves wearing the uniform as a result of a draft. What sad little angry boys you are.

So this goes to the next "patriot" to visit this site and engage in mindless banter: before you waste your time, do tell us about the wisdom Mr. Rumsfeld had to share with us about the draftees of WWII, Korea, and Vietnam. Please oh please.

Vermin I absolutely agree with you on all but one point.Yes, you don't give a fuck. Yes, you are mindless. Yes you are anti-American. NO you aren't like the rest of us. We actually care enough about this country to criticize those who are trying to take away Constitutional rights of ALL Americans AND lead us into yet another war.

Franklin am be drinkin’ too much coffee theses days. He musta have mistaken me for someone who gives a fuck. I is just a mindless anti-American like the rest a you.

Did you guys know there's a cable/satellite channel called the Sundance Channel, that shows films screened at said festival? I'm not sure what the lag time is, but I hope to see "What Alice Found" in the coming months. Here's some info from the festival website (I didn't see anything on the channel website yet).What Alice FoundU.S.A., 2003, 96 Minutes, Color[WHATA]Director: A. Dean BellScreenwriter: A. Dean BellProducer/Cinematographer: Richard ConnorsEditor: Chris HoughtonArt Director: Bryce "Paul Mama" WilliamsCast: Judith Ivey, Bill Raymond, Emily Grace, Michael Maronna, Justin Parkinson, David RosePresentation Format: Sony HD Cam Alice seeks salvation from her dreary, small-town existence by attempting, somewhat naively, to reinvent herself from a cashier at the local grocery store into a marine biologist. Plunging into the "rabbit hole" of the open road, she begins the journey from New Hampshire to Florida in her rusted-out Ford Escort. She soon realizes, however, that life on the road ain't all it's cracked up to be. Car trouble leads her into the "luxurious" RV of Sandra (Judith Ivey) and Bill (Bill Raymond), an older couple living out their remaining days traveling around the good old U.S. of A. Sandra takes Alice in as if she were her own daughter, buying her things, getting her hair done, and fawning over her, and Alice happily accepts this surrogate family. As the highway miles slowly pass, a subtle web is woven where motivations and intentions are captivatingly ambiguous.Digital storytelling at its very best, What Alice Found marks a fascinating debut by A. Dean Bell, who tells a succinct story with layers that peel away enthrallingly the deeper into the story Alice and the audience go. Exquisite details of wardrobe and production design subtly enhance the phenomenally authentic performances of the cast, notably Emily Grace's unforgettable portrait of Alice.--- Trevor Groth --- [forwarded by Hack a.k.a. Haskell]

Hidee Hoe, "Vermin Scum": why don't you share with the rest of the class the wise words of Mr. Rumsefeld about draftees. Gee, isn't that the same Rumsfeld that is encouraging war with Iraq? And he said what about all of those boys who served in WWII, Korea, and Vietnam? Come on "Vermin Scum"! Don't be shy!! Tell us what that wise Mr. Rumsfeld told the world what he thought about draftees!! Hint hint: no value added, worthless. Do tell! Inquiring minds want to know!!

Top Ten Conservative Idiots of the Week-- Sorry, Vermin Scum, you didn't make the list -- unless by chance you're a Minneapolis city worker (4th place). Enjoy!http://www.democraticunderground.com/top10/

I went to public schools so I can’t read. I had my ACLU Lawyer write down what I was chanting during the anti-American march last weekend in Washington DC.

Here's to our official "Fan of the Year", mister "Vergil Scum". You hit the nail right on the head Vergil. All you had to do was read a few lyrics and now you're preaching the message. Thanks again, keep coming back, keep reading and keep up the good work.

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“Bush don’t have no mandate to make no decisions on anything. He am be a illegitimate President cause he stole the election”

“President Bush don’t care about no war on terrorism, he only care about linin’ his pockets wiff money from oil and defense contracts”

Keep on talking. . .

Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name! Not In Our Name!

Money For Food, Not For Bombs! Money For Jobs, Not For Bombs! Money For Housing, Not For Bombs! Money For Food, Not For Bombs! Money For Jobs, Not For Bombs! Money For Housing, Not For Bombs! Money For Food, Not For Bombs! Money For Jobs, Not For Bombs! Money For Housing, Not For Bombs! Money For Food, Not For Bombs! Money For Jobs, Not For Bombs! Money For Housing, Not For Bombs!

No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil! No Blood For Oil!

Thanks "Blowback". It's great to see our fans coming back again and again to our website checking out our reviews, music and lyrics. Keep up the good work.

Hey that's actually funny! Me likey. I was in Guitar Center tonight and they were actually playing Der Komissar. Falco rocks.

Hey, check it out, here's a review from the new issue of Skratch Mag:BLOWBACKTRACK IIISTRING BREAK RECORDSMisguided Politically fueled wannabe hardcore that actually delivers more pain than originality. Extremist liberal socialist commentary on government policy, human rights and class struggle based solely on Marxist propaganda. Singer Carlos thinks has actual real world political ties, as he is a Capitol Hill Lobbyist for gay rights causes. So it becomes quite apparent that these guys have perspectives that are squarely rooted in the obscure realm of the absurd rather than conceptual gimmickry. Music wise, they are reminiscent to the old school soft core noise of heavy hitters like THE BAY CITY ROLLERS and early FALCO combined with the sensory assault of current bands like THE BACK STREET BOYS and BUTT PIRATES. Yeah these guys sound pretty angry and it is evident in their songs. Fast, hard to understand, out of tune, loose, loud and socially irresponsible. Everything a wannabe hardcore band should be! Do yourselves a favor; save your money and pass on these guys. -Lugz

BTW hack, We don’t live in a Democracy you dip-shit

Hey Spartacus, “Flower Power Forever” is the best you can come up with?? Thank God Algore lost the election. Don’t you fools realize the Islamo-fascists want to kill all of the infidels? (that would be us) But Islam is a p e a c e f u l religion, right?What would the bumper sticker on your 63 micro-bus say if the following scenario happened:We don’t end up going to war with Iraq. Instead, we put all of our military resources and manpower on our borders. Then we roundup and deport all illegal aliens within the United States of America. We stop all immigration for 2 years in order to regain control of our borders, language and culture.

Sorry, had to check how to spell "moron"

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Radical Islam as a social movement:The class base of Islamism is similar to that of classical fascism and of the Hindu fundamentalism of the BJP, Shiv Sena and RSS in India. All these movements have recruited from the white collar middle class and students, as well as from the traditional commercial and professional petty bourgeoisie. This, together with the hostility of most Islamist movements to the left, women’s rights and secularism has led many socialist and liberals to designate the movements as fascist. But this is a mistake.The petty bourgeois class base has not only been a characteristic of fascism, it has also been a feature of Jacobinism, of Third World nationalisms, of Maoist Stalinism, and Peronism. Petty bourgeois movements only become fascist when they arise at a specific point in the class struggle and play a particular role. This role is not just to mobilise the petty bourgeoisie, but to exploit the bitterness they feel at what an acute crisis of the system has done to them and so turn them into organised thugs prepared to work for capital to tear workers’ organisations apart.That is why Mussolini’s and Hitler’s movements were fascist while, say, Peron’s movement in Argentina was not. Even though Peron borrowed some of the imagery of fascism, he took power in exceptional circumstances which allowed him to buy off workers’ organisations while using state intervention to divert the profits of the large agrarian capitalists into industrial expansion. During his first six years in office an specific set of circumstances allowed real wages to rise by about 60 percent. This was the complete opposite to what would have happened under a genuinely fascist regime. Yet the liberal intelligentsia and the Argentine Communist Party were still capable of referring to the regime as “Nazi Peronism”, in much the same way that much of the left internationally refers to Islamism today. [50]The Islamist mass movements in countries like Algeria and Egypt likewise play a different role to that of fascism. They are not primarily directed against workers’ organisations and do not offer themselves to the main sectors of capital as a way of solving its problems at workers’ expense. They are often involved in direct, armed confrontation with the forces of the state in a way in which fascist parties rarely have been. And, far from being direct agents of imperialism, these movements have taken up anti-imperialist slogans and some anti-imperialist actions which have embarrassed very important national and international capitalist interests (e.g. in Algeria over the second Gulf War, in Egypt against “peace” with Israel, in Iran against the American presence in the aftermath of the overthrow of the Shah).The American CIA was able to work with Pakistan intelligence and the pro-Western Middle East states to arm thousands of volunteers from right across the Middle East to fight against the Russians in Afghanistan. But now these volunteers are returning home to discover they were fighting for the US when they thought they were fighting “for Islam”, and constituting a bitter hard core of opposition to most of the governments which encouraged them to go. Even in Saudi Arabia, where the ultra-puritan Wahhabist interpretation of the Islamic sharia (religious law) is imposed with all the might of the state, the opposition now claims the support of “thousands of Afghan fighters”, disgusted by the hypocrisy of a royal family that is increasingly integrated into the world capitalist ruling class. And the royal family is now retaliating, further antagonising some of the very people it encouraged so much in the past, cutting off funds to the Algerian FIS for supporting Iraq in the second Gulf War and deporting a Saudi millionaire who has been financing Islamists in Egypt.Those on the left who see the Islamists simply as “fascists” fail to take into account the destabilising effect of the movements on capital’s interests right across the Middle East, and end up siding with states that are the strongest backers both of imperialism and of local capital. This has, for instance, happened to those sections of the left influenced by the remnants of Stalinism in Egypt. It happened to much of the Iranian left during the closing stages of the first Gulf War, when American imperialism sent in its fleet to fight on the same side as Iraq against Iran. And it is in danger of happening to the secular left in Algeria, faced with a near civil war between the Islamists and the state.But if it is wrong to see the Islamist movements as “fascist”, it is just as wrong to simply see them as “anti-imperialist” or “anti-state”. They do not just fight against those classes and states that exploit and dominate the mass of people. They also fight against secularism, against women who refuse to abide by Islamic notions of “modesty”, against the left and, in important cases, against ethnic or religious minorities. The Algerian Islamists established their hold on the universities in the late 1970s and early 1980s by organising “punitive raids” against the left with the connivance of the police, and the first person killed by them was not a state official but a member of a Trotskyist organisation; another of their actions was to denounce Hard Rock Magazine, homosexuality, drugs and punk at the Islamic book fair in 1985; in the Algerian towns where they are strongest, they do organise attacks on women who dare to show a little of their skin; the first public demonstration of the FIS in 1989 was in response to “feminist” and “secularist” demonstrations against Islamist violence, of which women were the main victims. [51] Its hostility is directed not just against the state and foreign capital, but also against the more than 1 million Algerian citizens who, through no fault of their own, have been brought up with French as their first language, and the 10 percent of the population who are Berber rather than Arabic speakers.Similarly, in Egypt, the armed Islamic groups do murder secularists and Islamists who disagree strongly with them; they do encourage communal hatred by Muslims, including pogroms, against the 10 percent of the population who happen to be Coptic Christians. In Iran the Khomeini wing of Islamism did execute some 100 people for “sexual offences” like homosexuality and adultery in 1979-81; they did sack women from the legal system and organise gangs of thugs, the Iranian Hezbollah, to attack unveiled women and to assault left wingers; and they did kill thousands in the repression of the left Islamist People’s Mujahedin. In Afghanistan the Islamist organisations which waged a long and bloody war against the Russian occupation of their country did turn their heavy weaponry on each other once the Russians had left, reducing whole areas of Kabul to rubble.In fact, even when Islamists put the stress on “anti-imperialism”, they more often than not let imperialism off the hook. For imperialism today is not usually the direct rule of Western states over parts of the Third World, but rather a world system of independent capitalist classes (‘private” and state), integrated into a single world market. Some ruling classes have greater power than others and so are able to impose their own bargaining terms through their control over access to trade, the banking system or on occasions crude force. These ruling classes stand at the top of a pinnacle of exploitation, but those just below are the ruling classes of poorer countries, rooted in the individual national economies, also gaining from the system, increasingly linking themselves into the dominant multinational networks and buying into the economies of the advanced world, even if on occasion they lash out at those above them.The suffering of the great mass of people cannot simply be blamed on the great imperialist powers and their agencies like the World Bank and the IMF. It is also a result of the enthusiastic participation in exploitation of the lesser capitalists and their states. It is these who actually implement the policies that impoverish people and wreck their lives. And it is these who use the police and the prisons to crush those who try to resist.There is an important difference here with what happened under the classic imperialism of the colonial empires, where Western colonists manned the state and directed repression. The local exploiting classes would be pulled two ways, between resisting a state when it trampled on their interests, and collaborating with it as a bulwark against those they themselves exploited. But they were not necessarily in the front line of defending the whole system of exploitation against revolt. They are today. They are part of the system, even if they sometimes quarrel with it. They are no longer its inconsistent opponents. [52]In this situation any ideology which restricts itself to targeting foreign imperialism as the enemy evades any serious confrontation with the system. It expresses people’s bitterness and frustration, but evades focusing it on real enemies. This is true of most versions of Islamism, just as it is true these days of most Third World nationalisms. They point to a real enemy, the world system, and on occasions they clash bitterly with the state. But they absolve from responsibility most of the local bourgeoisie – imperialism’s most important long term partner.A recent study of Khomeinism in Iran by Abrahamian compares it with Peronism and similar forms of “populism”:Khomeini adopted radical themes ... At times he sounded more radical than the Marxists. But while adopting radical themes he remained staunchly committed to the preservation of middle class property. This form of middle class radicalism made him akin to Latin American populists, especially the Peronists. [53]And Abrahamian goes on to say:By “populism” I mean a movement of the propertied middle class that mobilises the lower classes, especially the urban poor, with radical rhetoric directed against imperialism, foreign capitalism, and the political establishment ... Populist movements promise to drastically raise the standard of living and make the country fully independent of outside powers. Even more important in attacking the status quo with radical rhetoric, they intentionally stop short of threatening the petty bourgeoisie and the whole principle of private property. Populist movements thus, inevitably, emphasise the importance, not of economicsocial revolution, but of cultural, national and political reconstruction. [54]Such movements tend to confuse matters by moving from any real struggle against imperialism to a purely ideological struggle against what they see as its cultural effects. “Cultural imperialism”, rather than material exploitation, is identified as the source of everything that is wrong. The fight is then not directed against forces really involved in impoverishing people, but rather against those who speak “foreign” languages, accept “alien” religions or reject allegedly “traditional” lifestyles. This is very convenient for certain sections of local capital who find it easy to practice the “indigenous culture”, at least in public. It is also of direct material interest to sections of the middle class who can advance their own careers by purging others from their jobs. But it limits the dangers such movements present to imperialism as a system.Islamism, then, both mobilises popular bitterness and paralyses it; both builds up people’s feelings that something must be done and directs those feelings into blind alleys; both destabilises the state and limits the real struggle against the state.The contradictory character of Islamism follows from the class base of its core cadres. The petty bourgeoisie as a class cannot follow a consistent, independent policy of its own. This has always been true of the traditional petty bourgeoisie – the small shopkeepers, traders and self employed professionals. They have always been caught between a conservative hankering for security that looks to the past and a hope that they individually will gain from radical change. It is just as true of the impoverished new middle class – or the even more impoverished would-be new middle class of unemployed ex-students – in the less economically advanced countries today. They can hanker after an allegedly golden past. They can see their futures as tied up with general social advance through revolutionary change. Or they can blame the frustration of their aspirations on other sections of the population who have got an “unfair” grip on middle class jobs: the religious and ethnic minorities, those with a different language, women working in an “untraditional” way.Which direction they turn in does not just depend on immediate material factors. It also depends on the struggles that occur on a national and international scale. Thus in the 1950s and 1960s the struggles against colonialism and imperialism did inspire much of the aspirant middle class of the Third World, and there was a general feeling that state controlled economic development represented the way forward. The secular left, or at least its Stalinist or nationalist mainstream, was seen as embodying this vision, and it exercised a degree of hegemony in the universities. At that stage even those who began with a religious orientation were attracted by what was seen as the left – by the example of the Vietnamese War against America or by the so called cultural revolution in China – and began to reject traditional religious thinking over, for instance, the women’s question. This happened with the Catholic liberation theologists in Latin America and the People’s Mojahedin in Iran. And even in Afghanistan the Islamist studentsdemonstrated against Zionism during the six-day war, against American policies in Vietnam and the privileges of the establishment. They were violently opposed to important figures on the traditionalist side, to the King and especially his cousin Daoud ... They protested against foreign influences in Afghanistan, both from the Soviet Union and the West, and against the speculators during the famine of 1972, by demanding there should be curbs on personal wealth. [55]In the late 1970s and 1980s the mood changed. On the one hand there was the beginning of a global wave of disillusionment with the so called “socialist” model presented by the Eastern European states as a result of the killing fields of Cambodia, the mini-war between Vietnam and China, and the move of China towards the American camp. This disillusionment grew in intensity in the later 1980s as a result of the changes in Eastern Europe and the collapse of the USSR.It was even more intense in certain Middle Eastern countries than elsewhere in the world because the illusions had not merely been a question of foreign policy. The local regimes had claimed to be implementing nationalist versions of “socialism”, based to a greater or lesser extent on the East European model. Even those on the left who were critical of their governments tended to accept and identify with these claims. Thus in Algeria the left in the universities volunteered in the early 1970s to go to the countryside to assist in the “land reform”, even though the regime had already repressed the left student organisation and was maintaining police control over the universities. And in Egypt the Communists continued to proclaim Nasser as a socialist, even after he had thrown them into prison. So disillusionment with the regime became also, for many people, disillusionment with the left.On the other hand, there was the emergence of certain Islamic states as a political force – the seizure of power by Gadaffi in Libya, the Saudi-led oil embargo against the West at the time of the Arab-Israeli war of 1973, and then, most dramatically, the revolutionary establishment of the Iranian Islamic Republic in 1979.Islamism began to dominate among the very layers of students and young people who had once looked to the left: in Algeria, for instance, “Khomeini began to be regarded by layers of young people as Mao and Guevara once had been”. [56] Support for the Islamist movements went from strength to strength as they seemed to offer immanent and radical change. The leaders of the Islamist movements were triumphant.Yet the contradictions in Islamism did not go away, and expressed themselves forcefully in the decade that followed. Far from being an unstoppable force, Islamism has, in fact, been subject to its own internal pressures which, repeatedly, have made its followers turn on one another. Just as the history of Stalinism in the Middle East in the 1940s and 1950s was one of failure, betrayals, splits and repression, so has the history of Islamism been in the 1980s and 1990s.

Proletariat"The proletariat is that class in society which lives entirely from the sale of its labour power and does not draw profit from any kind of capital; whose weal and woe, whose life and death,whose sole existence depends on the demand for labour...How did the proletariat originate? "The Proletariat originated in the industrial revolution... [which was] precipitated by the discovery ofthe steam engine, various spinning machines, the mechanical loom, and awhole series of other mechanical devices. These machines, which were veryexpensive and hence could be bought only by big capitalists, altered thewhole mode of production and displaced the former workers, because themachines turned out cheaper and better commodities than the workers couldproduce with their inefficient spinning wheels and handlooms. The machinesdelivered industry wholly into the hands of the big capitalists and renderedentirely worthless the meagre property of the workers (tools, looms, etc.).The result was that the capitalists soon had everything in their handsand nothing remained to the workers...."labour was more and more divided among the individual workers sothat the worker who previously had done a complete piece of work now didonly a part of that piece. This division of labour made it possible to producethings faster and cheaper. It reduced the activity of the individual workerto simple, endlessly repeated mechanical motions which could be performednot only as well but much better by a machine. In this way, all these industriesfell, one after another, under the dominance of steam, machinery, and thefactory system, just as spinning and weaving had already done.Fredrick EngelsPrinciples of CommunismIn proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed — a class of labourers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labour increases capital. These labourers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, like every other article of commerce. Karl MarxCommunist Manfesto: Bourgeois and Proletarians The following features of Marx’s definition of the proletariat should be noted: (1) proletariat is synonymous with “modern working class”, (2) proletarians have no means of support other than selling their labour power, (3) their position makes them dependent upon capital, (4) it is the expansion of capital, as opposed to servicing the personal or administrative needs of capitalists, which is the defining role of the proletariat, (4) proletarians sell themselves as opposed to selling products like the petty-bourgeoisie and capitalists, (5) they sell themselves “piecemeal” as opposed to slaves who may be sold as a whole and become the property of someone else, (6) although the term “labourers” carries the connotation of manual labour, elsewhere Marx makes it clear that the labourer with the head is as much a proletarian as the labourer with the hand, and finally (7) the proletariat is a class.The proletariat is not a sociological category of people in such-and-such income group and such-and-such occupations, etc., but rather a real, historically developed entity, with its own self-consciousness and means of collective action. The relation between an individual proletarian and the class is not that of non-dialectical sociology, in which an individual with this or that attribute is or is not a member of the class. Rather, individuals are connected to a class by a million threads through which they participate in the general social division of labour and the struggle over the distribution of surplus value.One issue that needs to be considered in relation to the definition of Proletariat is Wage Labour. Wage labour is the archtypal form in which the proletariat engages in the labour process, that is, by the sale of a worker's labour-power according to labour-time. Firstly, Marx treats piece-work, in which the worker is paid by output rather than by time, as a form of wage-labour, not essentially different from wage-labour. Secondly, nowadays it is increasingly common that workers are obliged to sell their product as such, by means of contract labour, for example. This raises the question of what is essential in the concept of proletariat. Contract labour does undermine working-class consciousness, but at the same time, the person who lives in a capitalist society, and has no means of support but to work, is a proletarian, even if they are unable to find employment(where workers may become lumpenproletariat if their living conditions are very difficult).The other important issue in relation to the proletariat is its historical path. As Marx explains in Capital, [Chapter 32], capitalism brings about the “revolt of the working-class, a class always increasing in numbers, and disciplined, united, organised by the very mechanism of the process of capitalist production itself”. The proletariat neither requires nor is able to exploit any other class; they are themselves the producers and capitalism has trained the proletariat in all the skills needed to rationally organise social labour for the benefit of humanity, without the aid of money, religion or any other form of inhuman mysticism.Thus, the future historical significance of the proletariat is ultimately not that it is oppressed, but rather that it is the only class which is capable of overthrowing bourgeois society and establishing a classless society. Proletarian Democracy (Socialist Democracy)Socialist democracy is not something which begins only in the promised land after the foundations of socialist economy are created; it does not come as some sort of Christmas present for the worthy people who, in the interim, have loyally supported a handful of socialist dictators. Socialist democracy begins simultaneously with the beginnings of the destruction of class rule and of the construction of socialism. It begins at the very moment of the seizure of power by the socialist party. It is the same thing as the dictatorship of the proletariat. Yes, dictatorship! But this dictatorship consists in the manner of applying democracy, not in its elimination, but in energetic, resolute attacks upon the well-entrenched rights and economic relationships of bourgeois society, without which a socialist transformation cannot be accomplished. But this dictatorship must be the work of the class and not of a little leading minority in the name of the class -- that is, it must proceed step by step out of the active participation of the masses; it must be under their direct influence, subjected to the control of complete public activity; it must arise out of the growing political training of the mass of the people.Rosa LuxemburgThe Russian Revolution: Democracy or Dictatorship? The first thing to do to win genuine equality and enable the working people to enjoy democracy in practice is to deprive the exploiters of all the public and sumptuous private buildings, to give to the working people leisure and to see to it that their freedom of assembly is protected by armed workers, not by heirs of the nobility or capitalist officers in command of downtrodden soldiers.Genuine freedom and equality will be embodied in the system which the Communists are building, and in which there will be no opportunity for massing wealth at the expense of others, no objective opportunities for putting the press under the direct or indirect power of money, and no impediments in the way of any workingman (or groups of workingman, in any numbers) for enjoying and practicing equal rights in the use of public printing presses and public stocks of paper.Genuine democracy, i.e., Liberty and equality, is unrealizable unless this aim is achieved. But it's practical achievement is possible only through Soviet, or proletarian, democracy, for by enlisting the mass organizations of the working people in constant and unfailing participation in the administration of the state, it immediately begins to prepare the complete withering away of any state. V.I. LeninFirst Congress of the Communist InternationalThe Proletariat and OrganisationThe organizations created by the working class for its liberation have become cogs in the system of exploitation. This is the brutal conclusion forced upon anyone who is prepared to face up to reality. One consequence is that today many are perplexed by an apparent dilemma. Can one become involved without organisation? And if one cannot, how can one organize without following the path that has made traditional organizations the fiercest enemies of the aims they originally set out to achieve? Some believe the question can be approached in a purely negative way."Experience shows,'' they say, "that all working-class organizations have degenerated; therefore, any organization is bound to degenerate.'' This is basing too much on experience-or too little. Up to now all revolutions either have been crushed or have degenerated. Are we to deduce from this that all revolutionary struggle should be abandoned? The defeat of revolutions and the degeneration of organizations are different expressions of the same phenomenon, namely, that established society is, at least provisionally, emerging victorious from its struggles with the proletariat. If one concluded that things will always be like this, one ought to be logical and give up the fight. Concern with the problem of organization has meaning only for people convinced that they can and must struggle together (hence, by organizing) and who do not, from the very beginning, assume their own defeat is inevitable.For such people the questions posed by the degeneration of working-class organisations have a real, positive meaning and demand real answers.Why have these organizations degenerated? What does this degeneration mean? What has been the role of these organizations in the temporary setback of the labor movement? Why has the proletariat supported them? And, perhaps more significantly, why has it not moved beyond them? What are the conclusions from all this for future organization and action? There is no simple answer to these questions, for they concern every aspect and task of the labor movement today. Nor is there a purely theoretical answer. The problem of revolutionary organization will only be resolved as such an organization is actually built. This in turn will depend on the development of working-class action. Nevertheless, the beginnings of a solution should be attempted right now. Revolutionaries cannot totally abstain from action and wait for working-class struggles to develop. The development of such struggles will not solve the problem of how revolutionaries should organize: They will merely bring it up at a higher level. And in the development of these struggles, organization has a role to play. No real organization will be built without the development of struggles, and there will be no lasting development of these struggles without organization building. If you do not accept this postulate, if you think that what you do or do not do is of no importance, if you are acting purely so as to be at peace with your own conscience, there is no need to read further. The beginnings of a solution cannot be empirical or just a set of negative prescriptions. A revolutionary group can only adopt positive rules for its action and work, and these rules must spring from its principles. However insignificant the organization, its work, its activity, and its way of going about its daily business must be the visible and verifiable embodiment of the aims it advocates. Responding to the problem of building a revolutionary organization demands, therefore, that we start from the whole experience of the revolutionary movement and from an analysis of the conditions in which the movement finds itself in the second half of the twentieth century. In order to do this we must make what may seem like a detour, return to first principles and reconsider revolutionary objectives and the history of the labour movement. 1. Socialism: Management of Society by the WorkersOne fact, because of its direct and indirect consequences, has dominated human history in the twentieth century: The working class carried through a revolution in Russia in 1917. Far from leading to socialism, however, the revolution finally resulted in the coming to power of a new exploiting class: the bureaucracy. Why, and how did this happen? In 1917 the Russian proletariat mobilized itself to destroy the power of the czar and of the capitalists and to put an end to exploitation. It took up arms and organized itself in factory committees and soviets to conduct this struggle. But when, after a long civil war, the remnants of the old regime had been cleared away, economic and political power were once more found to be concentrated in be hands of a new group of leaders, centered around the Bolshevik party. The proletariat did not take over the management of the new society-which is another way of saying that the working class did not itself become the ruling class. From that moment on, it could only once again resume its position as an exploited class. The degeneration of the Russian revolution was nothing other than the return to a position of supremacy of a specific and restricted social stratum. The various factors that led to this degeneration all have, when it comes down to it, the same underlying significance. The proletariat did not take on the direction of the revolution and of the society that emerged from it. From the very beginning, it was the Bolshevik party that strove to wield complete power over the country and very quickly it succeeded in doing so. The Party constituted itself based on the idea that it provided a natural leadership for the proletariat and was the expression of its historical interests. But the ideas and attitudes of the Bolshevik party could never have prevailed had not the working class itself, in its great majority, shared them and had it not tended to see the party as a necessary organ of its power. And so the organs that ought to have expressed the political supremacy of the toiling masses, the soviets, were rapidly transformed into appendages of Bolshevik power. And yet, even if this development had not occurred in the political sphere, nothing fundamental would have changed, for the revolution did not bring about any profound change in the real relations of production.With the private owners expropriated or exiled, the Bolshevik state entrusted the running of enterprises to managers nominated by itself, and it fought the few attempts made by workers to seize control of the management of production. But those who are masters of production are, in the last analysis, masters of policy and society. A new group of industrial and economic leaders rapidly developed, which, fusing with the leadership of the Party and of the State, constituted a new ruling class The basic lesson of the experience of the Russian revolution is therefore that it is not enough for the proletariat to destroy the governmental and economic domination of the bourgeoisie. It can only achieve the objective of its revolution if it builds up its own power in every sphere.If the direction of production, of the economy, and of the "state'' again becomes the function of a particular category of individuals inevitably the exploitation and oppression of workers will return. With these, the permanent crisis that divides contemporary society will arise again, for it owes its origin to the conflict at the point of production between directors and executants. Socialism is not and cannot be anything other than the management of production, the economy, and society by the workers. This idea has from the very beginning constituted the central thesis of Socialisme ou Barbarie. The Hungarian revolution has since provided a striking confirmation of it. The Autonomy of the ProletariatThe idea of workers' management of production and society implies that power in postrevolutionary society will be solely and directly in the hands of the workers' mass organs (the councils). There can be no question of special organs of any sort -for example, political parties-taking on the functions of governance and the exercise of power. But this idea is not a simple "constitutional'' proposition. It necessitates a reconsideration of all the theoretical and practical problems facing the revolutionary movement. It would indeed be nonsense to talk of workers' management if workers were incapable of it and thereby incapable of generating new principles for the organization and orientation of social life. Revolution and, even more, the construction of a socialist society presuppose that the organized mass of workers have become capable of managing the whole of society's activities without intermediaries-and therefore that they have become capable of directing themselves in all respects and in a permanent fashion. Socialist revolution can only be the out- come of Autonomous activity on the part of the proletariat, "autonomous'' signifies "self-directing" and "responsible only to itself". This question must not be confused with the question of the technical capac- it of the proletariat to manage production,'' The proletariat consists of all exploited wage earners and salaried employees. It is the collective producer. Techical knowledge has long ceased to be the monopoly of a few individuals. Today it is diffused among a mass of office and lab workers who are daily submitted to a greater and greater division of labor and who receive salaries only slightly higher than those of manual workers. Technician-bosses are just as superfluous as foremen in production. They are not great irreplaceable engineers but bureaucrats who direct and "organize'' (i.e., disorganize) the work of the mass of salaried technicians. Together the exploited workers in factories and offices possess in themselves all the technical skills known to humanity today. For the proletariat in power, the question of the "technical'' orientation of production will therefore not be a technical question at all, but rather a political question of the unity of workers on the shop floor and in offices, of cooperation between them, and of collective management of production. And, in the same way, the proletariat will be faced with political questions in every sphere,including the problems of its own organization, of the proper balance between centralization and decentralization, of the general orientation of production and society, of relations with other social groups (the peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie), of international relations, etc. Socialism, therefore, presupposes a high degree of social and political consciousness among the proletariat. It cannot arise out of a mere revolt against exploitation but only from the capacity of the proletariat to extract from itself positive answers to the immense problems involved in the reconstruction of modern society. No one -no individual, group, or party-can be delegated this consciousness "on behalf of'' the proletarian class or in its stead. It is not only that a substitution of this sort would inevitably lead to the formation of a new group of rulers and would rapidly return society to "all the old rubbish.'' It is because it is impossible for a particular group to take on such tasks, since these tasks are on a scale that humanity and humanity alone is capable of dealing with. Within a system of exploitation, such problems can be solved by a minority of leaders (or rather they could in the past be solved that way). The crisis of modern regimes shows that the direction of society is a task that is henceforth beyond the capacity of any particular category. This is infinitely more true for the problems that the socialist reconstruction of society will pose and that cannot be solved or even be correctly posed without the deployment of the creative activity of the immense majority of individuals. For the real meaning of this reconstruction is, strictly speaking that everything must be re-examined and refashioned: machines factories, articles of consumption, houses, educational systems, political institutions, museums, ideas, and science itself -according to the needs of the workers and according to their view of things. Only they can be the judges of what these needs are and of the means of satisfying them. For even if on a particular point the experts have a "better'' idea, such an idea will be worthless so long as those it should interest do not see the correctness or necessity of it. Any attempt to impose upon people solutions to the problems of their own lives, solutions they do not themselves approve of, automatically and immediately makes these solutions monstrously false ones.The Development of the Proletariat toward SocialismIs socialism, conceived in this way, a historically reasonable prospect?Is it a possibility that exists within modern society? Or is it just a dream? Is the proletariat just something to be exploited, a modern class of industrial slaves that periodically breaks out in fruitless revolts? Or do the conditions of its existence and struggle against capitalism lead it to develop a consciousness-i.e., an attitude, a mentality, ideas and ways of acting- whose content tends toward socialism? The answers to these questions are to be found in the analysis of the real history of the proletariat, its life in production, its political movements, and its activity during periods of revolution. And this analysis in turn leads to the overthrow of traditional ideas about socialism, labour demands, and forms of organization. First, the proletariat's struggle against capitalism is neither solely one of "making demands'' nor solely "political''; it begins at the point of production. It does not simply concern the redistribution of the social product or, at the other end of the scale, the general organization of society. From the outset, it opposes the fundamental reality of capitalism, the relations of production within the enterprise. The so-called rationalization of capitalist production is nothing but a web of contradictions. It consists in organizing work without the involvement of the workers, abolishing their human role-which is inherently absurd even from the point of view of productive efficiency. It aims untiringly at in- creasing their exploitation - which-forces them to oppose-it nonstop. Far from being concerned only with wages, the workers' struggle against this method of organization dominates every aspect and every moment of the life of the firm. First of all, the conflict between workers and management over wages cannot but have an immediate impact on every aspect- of the Organization of work.In the next place, the workers, whatever their wage level, are led inevitably to oppose methods of production that lead to their daily ever more intolerable dehumanization. This struggle does not and cannot remain purely negative, its aim is not simply to limit exploitation. Production must take place whatever happens, and the workers, at the same time as they are struggling against the norms and the coercive bureaucratic apparatus, maintain a work discipline and instaurate a system of cooperation opposed in spirit as well as it practice to the rules of organization of the factory. They thus take over certain aspects of the management of production at the same time as they establish it what they do new principles for the ordering of human relations in production they oppose the capitalist morality of maximum individual gain and tend to replace it with a new morality of solidarity and equality. This struggle is not accidental, nor is it connected with a particular form of organization of capitalist production. Every time capitalism makes major changes in the techniques and methods of production in order to ward off this struggle, it rises up again. The workers' tendencies toward self-management that this struggle brings out is universal both in range and depth. It exists in Russia as well as in the United States and in England as well as in France. Although the proletariat's struggle inside production remains "hiddenn'' for it allows neither formal organization nor a formulated program nor overt action, its' content can be found in the activity of the masses each time a revolutionary crisis shakes capitalist society. In every factory in the world workers fight nonstop against work norms; the abolition of norms was one of the most important demands of the Hungarian workers' councils in 1956. Like the commune and the soviets, workers' councils were constituted on the principle that the elected delegates were liable to recall. Shop stewards in English factories are always liable to recall by the workers who elected theme and they must give these workers regular accounts of their activities. The socialist conception of society, born in the obscurity of the day-to-day lives of producers, bursts into broad daylight during the working-class revolutions that have marked the history of capitalism. Far from rising up simply against poverty and exploitation, in the course of these events the proletariat poses the problem of how to organize the whole of society in a new way and provides positive answers. The Commune of 1871, the soviets of 1905 and 1917, the factory committees in Russia in 1917-18, the factory councils in Germany in 1919-20, and the workers' councils in Hungary in 1956 were organizations formed to combat the ruling class and its state and at the same time new forms of human organization based on principles radically opposed to those of bourgeois society. These creations of the proletariat were a practical refutation of the ideas that have dominated man's political organization for centuries. They have shown the possibility of a centralized social organization that, instead of politically expropriating the population for the benefit of its "representatives'' on the contrary places these representatives under the permanent control of their electors and for the first time in modern history achieves democracy on the scale of society as a whole. In the same way, workers' management of production, sought by the Russian factory committees in 1917, was achieved by the Spanish workers in 1936-37 and proclaimed by the Hungarian workers' councils in 1956 as one of their basic objectives. But the development of the proletariat toward socialism shows itself not only in factory life or during revolutions. From the beginning of its history, the proletariat has struggled against capitalism in an explicit way, that is to say, by forming political organizations. The tendency of the working class or of broad strata of workers to organize themselves in order to struggle in an overt and permanent fashion is a theme running. through the whole of modern history. If this is not recognized, one is doomed to understand as little about the proletariat and socialism as if the commune or the councils were never known. For it shows that the proletariat has the need and at the same time the ability to argue the question of social organization as such not simply during a revolutionary explosion, but systematically and permanently; to go beyond the territory of its economic defence and to oppose bourgeois ideology with its own conception of society; to leave the confines of the workshop, the firm and even the nation and argue the question of power on an international scale. It is in fact entirely false to say that the working class has created only economic and occupational associations (trade unions). In certain countries, such as Germany, the workers began by building a political movement, and the trade unions emanated from this. In the majority of other cases, as in the Latin countries and even in England, the trade unions themselves originally were by no means purely trade unions; their proclaimed aim was the abolition of the wages system. It is just as false to claim that the workers' political organizations were the exclusive creation of intellectuals, as has been said, sometimes approvingly and sometimes disapprovingly. Even where intellectuals played a predominant role in their formations these organisations could never have acquired any sort of reality if workers had not belonged to them in great numbers, sustained them with their experience, their activity, and often their blood, and if a large majority of the working class had not seen their interests expressed in the programs of these organizations. The Contradictory Character of the Proletariat's DevelopmentThere is, therefore, an autonomous development of the proletariat toward socialism that originates in the workers' struggle against the capitalist organisation of production, finds expression in the formation of political organizations, and culminates in revolution. But this development is not the mechanical, automatic result of the objective conditions in which the proletariat lives, nor is it a biological evolution, an inevitable process of maturation that provides for its own development. It is a historical process and essentially a process-of struggle. Workers are not born socialists, nor are they miraculously transformed into such merely by entering into a factory. They become, or more exactly they make themselves socialists in the course of and out of their struggle against capitalism. Nevertheless, we must see exactly what this struggle is, where it is fought, and what the true enemy is. The proletariat is not only fighting capitalism as a force outside itself. If it were just a question of the physical power of the exploiters, their State and their army, exploitative society would have been abolished long ago, for it possesses no power of its' own beyond the work of those it exploits It survives only insofar as it succeeds in making them accept their position. It's most formidable weapons are not those it uses intentionally, but those it is automatically provided with by the objective condition of the exploited class by the way things are set up in present society, and by the way social relations are organized so as to perpetually recreate its own bases. The proletariat is not only systematically indoctrinated by the bourgeoisie and the bureaucracy. More generally, it is severely deprived of culture. It is robbed of its own past, since it can know only what the ruling classes decide to let it see of its history and its past struggles. It is robbed of awareness of itself as a universal class as a result of the local, occupational, and national factors of isolation engendered by the present social structure-and of its present condition, since all the information , media are under the control of the ruling classes. In spite of its position as an exploited class, the proletariat struggles against these factors and makes up for them. It develops a systematic distrust of bourgeois indoctrination and undertakes a critique of its contents. It tends to absorb the culture from which it is cut off in a thousand ways at the same time as it creates the beginnings of a new culture. From a book-learned point of view, it is unaware of its own past, but it finds before it its essential results in the form of the conditions for its present action. But by far the greatest obstacle in the way of the development of the proletariat is the perpetual rebirth of the spirit and reality of capitalism within the proletariat itself. The workers are not strangers to capitalism; they are born i

WHO ARE THE BOURGEOISIE?If you read any remotely leftist literature, you'll run across the term bourgeoisie and bourgeois as the capitalist class. It's a French term, generally meaning "middle class", although in Marxist parlance has come to mean a lot more.It has come to mean a lot more, however, over time. Today, it means:One belonging to the bourgeoisie The middle class One whose attitudes and behavior are marked by conformity to the standards and conventions of the middle class In Marxist theory, a member of the property-owning class, a capitalist; opposite of the proletariat The term is used to convey things like mediocrity or a preoccupation with respectability and material values.Now, to me, this term has real meaning, but at the same time, it's archaic. I know a bourgeois when I see one, but there really hasn't been a word to replace this term, probably because of an overall decline in leftist theory in this century, and with the term "imperialist" often replacing the older term.In that spirit, let's see if we can come up with some other terms that more appropriately reveal what a bourgeois is...Perhaps "ass-kisser" would be a good term to describe a bourgeois? "Back-stabbing, conniving manipulator" is another good one. A "flake" is a good one, actually, although so is "phony" or "two-faced son of a bitch."But that only characterizes the person in the workplace, and there's so much more that you could say about them. Shallow, materialist, pretentious, empty-headed, snobbish -- all of those work pretty well. Vapid, condescending, racist, sexist, classist -- those work well, too.So many possibilities. See, I'm not out to mark the bourgeoisie as some all-encompassing boogeymen; rather, I see them as a byproduct of our capitalist society -- people who have become disconnected from their fellow human beings, and as a result are afflicted with sort of an inner rot which leads them to hate and fear the rest of society, and in many respects work toward its destruction.This disconnection, alienation, and atomization is a strong characteristic of the bourgeoisie -- they are sick, lonely souls who are most comfortable in the company of their own; certainly not mingling with what they'd term "the help."The bourgeoisie uniformly cling to the State out of fear that the unruly, unwashed masses they so fear will drag them back into the fold and force them to be human, that is, social, beings, again. To the bourgeoisie, that's a fate worse than death. They pride themselves on standing apart from what they'd call "the herd" -- meaning the rest of us non-bourgeois folks.You'll invariably find bourgeoisie in upper management positions, and in the majority of other management positions. That's their natural environment -- you don't work with them, you work for them.Another defining feature of the bourgeoisie is their deep hypocrisy. This is probably one of the most consistent characteristics of the bourgeois of the world -- they soothe their withered souls with notions of do-gooding while at the same time supporting the structures which cause the problems they malign in the first place!The bourgeoisie are most likely to shake their heads and "tsk" at the evil of humankind, which they believe in whole-heartedly -- of course, they're okay -- it's just the rest that's screwed. The quote "hell is other people" captures the bourgeois attitude.To attempt to fill the void in themselves wrought of their isolation and alienation, the bourgeois invariably seek to fill it with things. Materialism and consumerism, addiction to fashion, is the meat and drink of the bourgeois -- this is a token of pride for them, the arena in which they strive to excel.The bourgeois are very conscious of their place in society, and they envy and fear those above them, and loathe and fear those below them. Really, fear is a defining emotion for these people -- they live in fear of everything. They fear dropping into the lower social class, just as they fear offending those above them.Bourgeoisie are a narcissistic lot -- to say they're self-obsessed doesn't approximate how bad they are.Wealth = worth to the bourgeoisie. They are staunch adherents of the meritocracy, where those who succeed most are of course the most worthy. The wealthy are to be vicariously studied, envied, and emulated by the bourgeoisie, whereas the poor are to be avoided, lest it be contagious. This comes from their precarious center position, classwise -- richer than the poor, poorer than the rich; rich = good, poor = bad, be like rich. That's how it works with them.HOW TO ANNOY THE BOURGEOISIEHow do you tweak these sick people? There are all sorts of ways. First off, they take themselves very seriously, and are an uptight lot, ill-at-ease in just about any situation. That's because they're always trying to work some angle, to improve their position in the little social chess game they're always playing in their heads. Proper behavior and dress is so important to them, so one way to offend and annoy them is to not dress right for a given situation -- that will anger them for two related reasons: 1) maybe you're not dressed right because you're richer than they are and don't have to care like they do; 2) maybe you're not dressed right because you're poorer than they are, in which case they'll wonder how you managed to get in.Related to that is if you don't compliment them on new acquisitions; they generally fish for compliments and offer leading questions, so the way around that is to simply ignore their efforts. Another way to mess with them is to dress like them -- nothing offends them like appearing to resemble someone else, fashion-wise. In a sense, they try to camouflage their conformist interiors with what they feel are unique fashions (which really amounts to being "unique" together) -- so if you feel so inclined, match an outfit to them and watch them squirm.Bad service -- this is the Cardinal Sin in the world of the bourgeoisie. Don't mind cruel conduct; what really offends the bourgeoisie is bad service -- if you've ever worked customer service, you can readily spot a bourgeois -- they're the ones who yell at you or come up and complain to you like you're an idiot, and quickly pipe up, "let me see your manager". They're the ones who push their way to the front of a line, or who fume and roll their eyes when you're not catering to their needs fast enough.Now, the way to drive them bananas is to be as polite as possible, while offering piss-poor service. It'll annoy the bejeezus out of them, although the problem with this is you'll end up taking a lot of crap from them if you do this, so if possible, make it look like an accident, so you don't end up taking all of their heat. What'll REALLY get them fired up is if you give other folks decent service, while at the same time giving them bad service -- again, their "keeping up with the Joneses" reflex will simply be too much for them to take.If you're an ethnic minority, congratulations! You've already managed to alarm and offend the bourgeoisie. Since most minorities are either below or above them in social status, there is an innate dislike of you in the bourgeois person. Fear characterizes any interaction with a minority by the bourgeoisie, although the nature of it manifests in different ways.If you're Asian (Chinese or Japanese), their fear of you is based on the supposed "Asian superiority" relative to them; if you're Southeast Asian, you may be able to hoodwink them, but not if you're Polynesian -- skin tone means a lot to the bourgeois, with white being most good, and getting progressively worse the darker you go.If you're of African ancestry or Latino, then you'll immediately alarm them by way of your potential criminality, because these groups are generally below them in social class, and therefore suspect.Incidentally, there are minority bourgeoisie -- these folks tend to hate their own ethnicity and seek to hide it by "acting white" in as many ways as possible.Any mention of a controversial subject will swiftly discomfit a bourgeois -- anything about politics or religion will make them squirm, particularly issues which can't be tidily summed up in a pat phrase. If you really want to bug a bourgeois, solicit their opinion, and then follow-up on their response -- actually listen to what they say and then ask -- "do you really believe that?"That'll piss them off because you're forcing them to actually think about what they just said. At a basic level, bourgeoisie folks are good conversationalists, but only if you keep things superficial -- if you get "deep" on them, they will squirm.

Words I live by:Manifesto of the Communist PartyBy Karl Marx and HackA spectre is haunting Europe -- the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Tsar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies.Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as communistic by its opponents in power? Where is the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?Two things result from this fact:I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be itself a power.II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the spectre of communism with a manifesto of the party itself.To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled in London and sketched the following manifesto, to be published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages. Bourgeois and Proletarians The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations.The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones.Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinct feature: it has simplified class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other -- bourgeoisie and proletariat.From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed.The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.The feudal system of industry, in which industrial production was monopolized by closed guilds, now no longer suffices for the growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guild-masters were pushed aside by the manufacturing middle class; division of labor between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of labor in each single workshop.Meantime, the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacturers no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machinery revolutionized industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry; the place of the industrial middle class by industrial millionaires, the leaders of the whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.Modern industry has established the world market, for which the discovery of America paved the way. This market has given an immense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This development has, in turn, reacted on the extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the background every class handed down from the Middle Ages.We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange.Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding political advance in that class. An oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing association of medieval commune : here independent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany); there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as in France); afterward, in the period of manufacturing proper, serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, cornerstone of the great monarchies in general -- the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment of Modern Industry and of the world market, conquered for itself, in the modern representative state, exclusive political sway. The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part.The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural superiors", and has left no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous "cash payment". It has drowned out the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom -- Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage laborers.The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation into a mere money relation.The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which reactionaries so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been the first to show what man's activity can bring about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former exoduses of nations and crusades.The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real condition of life and his relations with his kind.The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the entire surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere.The bourgeoisie has, through its exploitation of the world market, given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of reactionaries, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature.The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization. The cheap prices of commodities are the heavy artillery with which it forces the barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image.The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilized ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West.The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has agglomerated population, centralized the means of production, and has concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of this was political centralization. Independent, or but loosely connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments, and systems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one national class interest, one frontier, and one customs tariff.The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together. Subjection of nature's forces to man, machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canalization or rivers, whole populations conjured out of the ground -- what earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor?We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organization of agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder.Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted in it, and the economic and political sway of the bourgeois class.A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois society, with its relations of production, of exchange and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For many a decade past, the history of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern conditions of production, against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeois and of its rule. It is enough to mention the commercial crises that, by their periodical return, put the existence of the entire bourgeois society on its trial, each time more threateningly. In these crises, a great part not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created productive forces, are periodically destroyed. In these crises, there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity -- the epidemic of over-production. Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of devastation, had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed. And why? Because there is too much civilization, too much means of subsistence, too much industry, too much commerce. The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand, by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons -- the modern working class -- the proletarians.In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed -- a class of laborers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labor increases capital. These laborers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of the market.Owing to the extensive use of machinery, and to the division of labor, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and, consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is required of him. Hence, the cost of production of a workman is restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he requires for maintenance, and for the propagation of his race. But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of labor, is equal to its cost of production. In proportion, therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage decreases. What is more, in proportion as the use of machinery and division of labor increases, in the same proportion the burden of toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working hours, by the increase of the work exacted in a given time, or by increased speed of machinery, etc.Modern Industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses of laborers, crowded into the factory, are organized like soldiers. As privates of the industrial army, they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois state; they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine, by the overlooker, and, above all, in the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more hateful and the more embittering it is.The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual labor, in other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is the labor of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working class. All are instruments of labor, more or less expensive to use, according to their age and sex.No sooner is the exploitation of the laborer by the manufacturer, so far at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by the other portion of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc.The lower strata of the middle class -- the small tradespeople, shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and peasants -- all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which Modern Industry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by new methods of production. Thus, the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the population.The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first, the contest is carried on by individual laborers, then by the work of people of a factory, then by the operative of one trade, in one locality, against the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct their attacks not against the bourgeois condition of production, but against the instruments of production themselves; they destroy imported wares that compete with their labor, they smash to pieces machinery, they set factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the workman of the Middle Ages.At this stage, the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered over the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition. If anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the consequence of their own active union, but of the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its own political ends, is compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, able to do so. At this stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies, but the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the landowners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeois. Thus, the whole historical movement is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie.But with the development of industry, the proletariat not only increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows, and it feels that strength more. The various interests and conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalized, in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions of labor, and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level. The growing competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting commercial crises, make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating. The increasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon, the workers begin to form combinations (trade unions) against the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts. Here and there, the contest breaks out into riots.Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lie not in the immediate result, but in the ever expanding union of the workers. This union is helped on by the improved means of communication that are created by Modern Industry, and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another. It was just this contact that was needed to centralize the numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between classes. But every class struggle is a political struggle. And that union, to attain which the burghers of the Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern proletarian, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years.This organization of the proletarians into a class, and, consequently, into a political party, is continually being upset again by the competition between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier. It compels legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers, by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus, the Ten-Hours Bill in England was carried.Altogether, collisions between the classes of the old society further in many ways the course of development of the proletariat. The bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first with the aristocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself, whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all time with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these battles, it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for help, and thus to drag it into the political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its own elements of political and general education, in other words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie.Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling class are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of existence. These also supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress.Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the progress of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within the whole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaring character, that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands. Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion of the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole.Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a genuinely revolutionary class. The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry; the proletariat is its special and essential product.The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay, more, they are reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If, by chance, they are revolutionary, they are only so in view of their impending transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not their present, but their future interests; they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat.The "dangerous class", the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of the old society, may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue.In the condition of the proletariat, those of old society at large are already virtually swamped. The proletarian is without property; his relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with the bourgeois family relations; modern industry labor, modern subjection to capital, the same in England as in France, in America as in Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national character. Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests.All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission is to destroy all previous securities for, and insurances of, individual property.All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without the whole super incumbent strata of official society being sprung into the air.Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own bourgeoisie.In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat.Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have already seen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But in order to oppress a class, certain conditions must be assured to it under which it can, at least, continue its slavish existence. The serf, in the period of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the commune, just as the petty bourgeois, under the yoke of the feudal absolutism, managed to develop into a bourgeois. The modern laborer, on the contrary, instead of rising with the process of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class. He becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth. And here it becomes evident that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an overriding law. It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state, that it has to feed him, instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie, in other words, its existence is no longer compatible with society.The essential conditions for the existence and for the sway of the bourgeois class is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage labor. Wage labor rests exclusively on competition between the laborers. The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the laborers, due to competition, by the revolutionary combination, due to association. The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable. Proletarians and Communists In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole? The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other working-class parties.They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mold the proletarian movement.The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only:(1) In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality.(2) In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand practically, the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the lines of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement.The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other proletarian parties: Formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat.The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer.They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is not at all a distinctive feature of communism.All property relations in the past have continually been subject to historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions.The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favor of bourgeois property.The distinguishing feature of communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete expression of the system of producing and appropriating products that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the few.In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property.We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man's own labor, which property is alleged to

What the hell are you talking about Hack?? And who the hell are you talking to???

Or maybe Keith S., Hans? Not likely I guess, given the time difference.

Sorry, obviously I meant to say "intellectual dishonesty," not "intellectual honesty," in the last line of the previous message.Also, I didn't write that last comment about Spartacus. This is really getting tiring having to disavow other people's words stuffed into my mouth.Hey Hans, is that really you, Chris S.?

I didn't really disagree with the piece from the Daily Mirror that you forwarded under my name, and certainly agreed with some of it, such as "American voices arealready being raised against attacking Iraq - that's what ademocracy is for." But I disagree with your, the author's, and the Bush administration's premise that war on Al-Qaeda and war on Iraq are the same thing, and the related premise that anyone opposed to war on Iraq hates America or blames America for everything wrong in the world.And I strongly object to you submitting words or forwarding articles under my name, even if I may turn out to agree with some of them.I'm not sure what to make of your last statement. One minute you accuse everyone else here of spewing venom, the next you say "flower power is all you can come up with?" I suppose that's a convenient way of avoiding the issue of intellectual honesty inherent in using multiple aliases.

Was Ihnen leftist vermin pacifist Amerika macht, den Whack Aufgaben haßt, muß jetzt sagen??

BTW "Spartacus", I am the smartest motherfucker in this forum. Bar none.

Flower Power Forever is the best you can come up with?? Thank God Algore lost the election. Don’t you fools realize the Islamo-fascists want to kill all of the infidels? (that would be us) But Islam is a p e a c e f u l religion, right?What would the bumper stickers on your 63 micro-busses say if the following scenario happened:We don’t end up going to war with Iraq. Instead, we put all of our military resources and manpower on our borders. Then we roundup and deport all illegal aliens within the United States of America. We stop all immigration for 2 years in order to regain control of our borders, language and culture.

Here is an interesting article for you all. Just a word of background for those of you who are not familiar with the Daily Mirror newspaper which is published in England. It is usually very anti-American. The author is Tony Parsons. It follows: September 11, 2002.ONE year ago, the world witnessed a unique kind of broadcasting - the mass murder of thousands, live on television. As a lesson in the pitiless cruelty of the human race, September 11 was up there with Pol Pot's mountain of skulls in Cambodia, or the skeletal bodies stacked like garbage in the Nazi concentration camps. An unspeakable act so cruel, so calculated and so utterly merciless that surely the world could agree on one thing -nobody deserves this fate.Surely there could be consensus: the victims were truly innocent, the perpetrators truly evil. But to the world's eternal shame, 9/11 is increasingly seen as America's comeuppance. Incredibly, anti-Americanism has increased over the last year. There has always been a simmering resentment to the USA in! This country - too loud, too rich, too full of themselves and so much happier than Europeans - but it has become an epidemic. And it seems incredible to me. More than that, it turns my stomach. America is this country's greatest friend and our staunchest ally. We are bonded to the US by culture, language and blood.A little over half a century ago, around half a million Americans died for our freedoms, as well as their own. Have we forgotten so soon? And exactly a year ago, thousands of ordinary men, women and children - not just Americans, but from dozens of countries - were butchered by a small group of religious fanatics. Are we so quick to betray them? What touched the heart about those who died in the twin towers and on the planes was that we recognized them. Young fathers and mothers, somebody's son and somebody's daughter, husbands and wives. And children. Some unborn. And these people brought it on themselves? And their nation is to blame for their meticulously planned slaughter?These days you don't have to be some dust-encrusted nut job in Kabul or Karachi or Finsbury Park to see America as the Great Satan. The anti-American alliance is made up of self-loathing liberals who blame the Americans for every ill in the Third World, and conservatives suffering from power-envy, bitter that the world's only superpower can do what it likes without having to ask permission.The truth is that America has behaved with enormous restraint since September 11. Remember, remember. Remember the gut-wrenching tapes of weeping men phoning their wives to say, "I love you," before they were burned alive. Remember those people leaping to their deaths from the top of burning skyscrapers.Remember the hundreds of firemen buried alive. Remember the smiling face of that beautiful little girl who was on one of the planes with her mum. Remember, remember - and realize that America has never retaliated for 9/11 in anything like the way it could have.So a few al-Qaeda tourists got locked without a trial in Camp X-ray? Pass the Kleenex. So some Afghan wedding receptions were shot up after they merrily fired their semi-automatics in a sky full of American planes? A shame, but maybe next time they should stick to confetti. AMERICA could have turned a large chunk of the world into a parking lot.That it didn't is a sign of strength. American voices are already being raised against attacking Iraq - that's what a democracy is for. How many in the Islamic world will have a minute's silence for the slaughtered innocents of 9/11? How many Islamic leaders will have the guts to say that the mass murder of 9/11 was an abomination?Palestinians were dancing in the street. America watched all of that - and didn't push the button. We should thank the stars that America is the most powerful nation in the world. I still find it incredible that 9/11 did not provoke all-out war. Not a "war on terrorism". A real war.The fundamentalist dudes are talking about "opening the gates of hell", if America attacks Iraq. Well, America could have opened the gates of hell like you wouldn't believe. The US is the most militarily powerful nation that ever strode the face of the earth. The campaign in Afghanistan may have been less than perfect and the planned war on Iraq may be misconceived.But don't blame America for not bringing peace and light to these wretched countries. How many democracies are there in the Middle East, or in the Muslim world? You can count them on the fingers of one hand - assuming you haven't had any chopped off for minor shoplifting.I love America, yet America is hated. I guess that makes me Bush's poodle. But I would rather be a dog in New York City than a Prince in Riyadh. Above all, America is hated because it is what every country wants to be - rich, free, strong, open, optimistic. Not ground down by the past, or religion, or some caste system. America is the best friend this country ever had and we should start remembering that.Or do you really think the USA is the root of all evil? Tell it to the loved ones of the men and women who leaped to their death from the burning towers. Tell it to the nursing mothers whose husbands died on one of the hijacked planes, or were ripped apart in a collapsing skyscraper.And tell it to the hundreds of young widows whose husbands worked for the New York Fire Department. To our shame, George Bush gets a worse press than Saddam Hussein.Once we were told that Saddam gassed the Kurds, tortured his own people and set up rape-camps in Kuwait. Now we are told he likes Quality Street. Save me the orange center, oh mighty one!Remember, remember, September 11. One of the greatest atrocities in human history was committed against America. No, do more than remember. Never forget

Now, Inspector, since you've had your turn, may I ask you a question: whatever happened to regime change...in Kuwait?

Unlike some in this forum, I don't pretend to speak for other people, so I can't speak for the members of Blowback, but I would say that the discovery you mention proves that the inspections are working -- inspections that Bush originally wanted to skip.BTW, just because I responded to your question does not mean I accept your characterization. I am an American, I do not hate America or Americans, nor do I feel the need to hide behind aliases or impersonate others to state my position.Also BTW, "Spartacus" has no "i"

"What do you leftist vermin pacifist America hating whack-jobs have to say now???"Ewige Blume-Energie

Eleven unauthorized, undeclared & illegal weapons of mass destruction were uncovered today in Iraq by the UN inspectors. This constitutes yet another material breach of the UN resolutions. What do you leftist vermin pacifist America hating whack-jobs have to say now???

Dear confused (read Franklin):Your comments are just proving our points but you must be too confused to see it for yourself. We are all cut from the same cloth, us America haters. (Remember, you are part of “us”) You can’t deny it, you poor confused little boy. Embrace it; you’ll feel better.

oh oh "Clark'n'Moore" - I miss you already!!maybe i'll do a love song for you someday.ahh, that brain, if only i had "Clark'n'Moore"'s brain.

No no no no no "Clark'n'Moore" you clear headed amazing super patriot you! what a mastery of the truth. Oh, how I wish I could see things as clearly as you! I wish I knew about the Founding Fathers and the Constitution and the story of Ameriocan Freedom like you! Oh, I should do a love poem to your brain and amazing vast wide knowledge.OOOOOHHH AHHHHCLARK'N'MOORE SO VERY WISEOOOOHHH AHHHHCLARK'N'MOORE LIKE GENOCIDEBuy our Cd and hum it to yourself to the tune of any of our delightful little ditties! Hey, you're a big capitalist!! after all!! I thought you've been saying you hate america. But i guess making you deal witht he founding fathers was jsut a bit much.Coming soon, quotes from the FOunding Fathers that are sure to throw you into a tizzy. Can't you wait? Jefferson!! Franklin!! Washington!! Paine!!For funny funny funny Clark'n'Moore. I mean "Clark'n'Moore"BTW, try reading The Story of American Freedom by Foner. You jsut might learn something about US history. WOuldn't that be something!

An essay by James Webb, who served in the Reagan and Bush (I) administrations. It's a good question, given we've had to maintain troops in South Korea for over 50 years now.BTW, I think everyone can tell I forwarded the first of the two recent petition requests, not the second. Hey "Clark n Moore," don't you think it's intellectually dishonest to sign in under someone else's name?http://www.sftt.org/article09302002a.html

Franklin:I’m surprised at you. After all, it is hate that drives all of us on the far left. I’m including you in the “us” even though you apparently wish to deny who you are. You are a silly man Franklin. If we let go of our hatred as you put it, we will have nothing to say. It’s all about the hate, man. Just read anything from our web sites and anything from any of the links and you tell me if you think it’s not about hate. And please stop with the founding fathers and first amendment speeches. We only use these arguments to advance our leftist agenda. You are the pot calling us kettles black, you funny boy.

I can't wait to start watching the war on CNN, it's gonna be cool watching those Iraqis fry!!! What's even better is that none of our troops will be killed. This war will end up being a bargain, a couple billion tops. After that everything will be just fine.

The site is down but here it is:THE PETITION LETTER (2nd Edition) TO: President Bush CC: Secretary of State Powell and U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan From: Leftist wack-jobs and Anti-American verminSUBJECT: Please just give in so we don’t have to fight for our freedom and just party instead, dudes __________ Dear Mr. President, On October 11, the U.S. Congress passed a joint resolution on Iraq that authorizes you to use war if needed (period) We pacifists are concerned that you found Iraq's response "not encouraging" just because the Iraqis shot at American aircraft patrolling the no fly zone as per the UN resolutions.In this context, we pacifists are also concerned by your Administration's repeated attempts to frame Iraqi anti-aircraft fire within the no-fly-zone as a material breach of the resolution even if that is exactly what it is.. As U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan and other U.N. diplomats have pointed out, the latest resolution clearly excludes such events from its jurisdiction but the previous ones do not. So actually this whole paragraph is bullshit so never mind, dudes.The United States has made a commitment to approaching the danger that Saddam Hussein poses through the international community to appease the leftist socialist vermin scumbags in the E.U.. The resumption of the inspections regime is a triumph for the E.U., the French, international law and multilateralism. But the United States will lose all credibility with the leftists and socialist vermin scum in Europe if it appears that it will go to war regardless of the inspections’ perceived success. Never mind the fact that he who frames the debate, wins the debate. The issue is not about any “Smoking Guns”. The facts are that Iraq has chemical & biological weapons that were there before desert storm ever started. Iraq has not proven in any way, shape or form that it has destroyed these weapons and that alone is a breach. We can roll over to the terrorists and their supporters and smoke dope all day long or we can go kick the ass of the dictator and his supporters who support Islamo-fascism & threaten us with destruction on a daily basis.

This is a worthwhile petition from MoveOn.org -- they already have 170,000 signatures and are shooting for 200,000 by next weekhttp://mail.charter.net/Redirect/www.moveon.org/winwithoutwar/

Boy! "Clark'n'Moore" let go of your hatred. Not good, not good at all. Try saying something constructive and maybe we can have a real dialogue as the Founding Fathers envisioned.

Franklin:You're one of us man. You of all people should know that our level of dissent has gone way beyond emotion or hatred for America. Our views and actions are absolute sedition. You surprise us man. As long as we have the ACLU to protect us, we will continue with our propaganda against America and all it stands for. Your denial of who you are disappoints us. Let it go man. If it feels good, do it.Oh, And don't forget; Jesus was a terrorist too...

WOW!! Does every website have a feature where we can see "two" people become one? "Ramsey Clark" and "Michael Mooore" just became "Clark-n-Moore"!! WOW!!!And this poor morphed creature doesn't seem able to tell the difference between dissent, a constitutional right, and hatred, an emotion. WOW AGAIN!!

Franklin:In case you haven’t read our stuff lately, we hate America!! (ref: http://www.internationalanswer.org/ including any linked sites & http://www.michaelmoore.com also including any linked sites.) In light of what we stand for, say and do, why would we want to fight for this racist, homophobic, capitalistic, imperialist hell-hole of a nation?? We're trying to "Bring it all down man!!" You must be confused again Franklin...

Wow!! "Ramsey Clark" and "Michael Moore" came to our site!! And funny, they didn't even comment on the quotes from Wall Street analysts talking about the impact of the looming war on the economy (yes, not good) and that fact that Poppa Bush helped create Hussein's military capabilities, including his chemical weapons.Gee "Ramsey" and "Michael": you two (?) are so tough and "love" America so much, why aren't you in the 82nd airborne and in the Gulf? BTW, ensuring that the world hates America even more is not patriotic in my book. How is making more enemies good for America?

My fellow America-haters,Momentum is growing for the January 18 National March on Washington DC and joint action in San Francisco. Transportation is now being organized from over 200 cities in 45 different states. Read the following email for exciting updates on January 18 endorsers, speakers, protests around the world, media coverage and how you can get to Washington DC or San Francisco. Thank you and don't forget to bring cash donations. No checks will be accepted as we all know that none of you dirtbags have legitimate incomes anyway. I. The plan for January 18II. New EndorsersIII. New SpeakersIV. More demonstrations around the worldV. Ramsey Clark on Al-JazeeraVI. 0% chance of precipitation for January 18! --------------------------------------------- PLANS FOR JAN. 18 NATIONAL MARCH ON WASHINGTON DC & JOINT ACTION IN SAN FRANCISCO 11 AMWEST SIDE OF THE CAPITOL(on the National Mall at 3rd St.)MARCH to the Washington Navy Yard The scenario plan for Washington DC includes an 11 am opening rally on the West side of the Capitol Building (on the National Mall at 3rd St. NW). This rally will include representatives from the diverse movements and organizations that oppose the war. Following the rally, we will hold a mass march to the Washington Navy Yard -- a massive military installation located in a working class neighborhood in Southeast Washington DC that parks warships on the Anacostia River. In San Francisco, assemble 11 am at the foot of Market St. at Embarcadero. Rally then march to Civic Center Plaza (Grove & Larkin) adjacent to City Hall for a closing rally with speakers, entertainment and cultural performances. For more information, go to http://www.internationalanswer.org********** NEW ENDORSERS There have been many new endorsements for the January 18 National March on Washington DC in the last week. New endorsers include Janeane Garofalo, Jessica Lange, Veterans for Peace, 1199 SEIU New York's Health and Human Service Union, Fellowship of Reconciliation, Voices in the Wilderness, School of the Americas Watch, New York Youth Bloc, Physicians for Social Responsibility, Anti-Flag & A-F Records, United for Peace, MADRE, Board of Directors of Peace Action of Michigan and many more. For a FULL LIST OF ENDORSERS, go to: http://www.internationalanswer.org/campaigns/j18/endorsers.html********** Performances and Speakers at the Jan. 18 Demo to Stop the War on IraqPERFORMANCES INCLUDE Chumbawamba, Patti Smith, and Pam Parker & Lucy Murphy UPDATED LIST OF SPEAKERS & MESSAGES: - Former Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney- Bishop Thomas Gumbleton, Auxiliary Bishop, Catholic Archdiocese of Detroit- Ramsey Clark, former U.S. attorney general- Rev. Al Sharpton, National Action Network- Rev. Herbert Daughtry, national pastor, House of the Lord Church, Brooklyn- Mike Farrell, actor- Jessica Lange, actor- Elizabeth McAlister, Jonah House- Mahdi Bray, Executive Director, Muslim American Society Freedom Foundation- Brenda Stokely, President, District Council 1707 AFSCME; Co-Convener, New York City Labor Against the War- Damu Smith, Black Voices for Peace- Michael Letwin, Co-Convener, New York City Labor Against the War- Representative of 1199 SEIU New York's Health and Human Service Union- Ron Kovic, Vietnam Veteran and author of "Born on the Fourth of July"- Peta Lindsay, A.N.S.W.E.R. Youth and Student Coordinator, Howard University student- Rev. Graylan Hagler, Senior Minister, Plymouth Congregational Church- Bayan- Free Palestine Alliance- Macrina Cardenas, Mexico Solidarity Network- Yoomi Jeong, Korea Truth Commission- Nicaragua Network- Partnership for Civil Justice- Muslim Students Association of the U.S. & Canada- IFCO/Pastors for Peace- International Action Center- Rev. John Dear- Medea Benjamin, Global Exchange- Bill Fletcher, Co-Chair, United for Peace; TransAfrica- Blasé Bonpane, Director, Office of the Americas- Not in Our Name Project- Mumia Abu-Jamal- New York Youth Bloc- Representative of women's struggle to defend reproductive rights on the 30th anniversary of Roe v Wade ********** DEMONSTRATIONS AROUND THE WORLD JANUARY 18 On January 18 -- in addition to the National March on Washington DC and joint action in San Francisco ? solidarity demonstrations will take place in over 25 countries around the world. In the past week new information came in about demonstrations in several Latin American countries, Bahrain, Pakistan and Australia. Solidarity demonstrations are set to take place in Egypt, Bahrain, Pakistan, Japan, the Philippines, South Korea, Mexico, Argentina, Ecuador, Puerto Rico, Canada, Italy, Spain, France, Belgium, Australia, Indonesia, England, Germany, Austria, Russia and more. In Argentina, the Association of Madres de Plaza de Mayo have called for a demonstration on Thursday, Jan. 16, as Thursday is the day they have been demonstrating for the last twenty-five years. They will march from the Plaza Italia to the U.S. Embassy. Below is the press release from Madres de Plaza de Mayo: PRESS RELEASE: No War Against Iraq! The ASSOCIATION OF MADRES DE PLAZA DE MAYO joins the call for a DAY OF INTERNATIONAL ACTIONS AGAINST THE WAR ON IRAQ taking place on January 18 in the United States. This call was made by an important group of organizations and personalities that are opposed to the imperialist war and call for a March from Plaza Italia to the United States Embassy for the 16 of January 2003. Hebe de Bonafini, President Buenos Aires, January 7th, 2003 ********** RAMSEY CLARK ON AL-JAZEERA For those who have the access to Al Jazeera through satellite, Ramsey Clark is due to appear live on the channel's news show on Friday, January 10. Barring any last-minute changes, he is scheduled to come on at about 12:05 pm. ********** 0% CHANCE OF PRECIPITATION FOR JANUARY 18! According to weather.com, as of Thursday, January 9, there is a 0% chance of precipitation on January 18! ********** For a list of CITIES ORGANIZING TRANSPORTATION, go to: http://www.internationalanswer.org/campaigns/j18/j18contacts.htmlIf you're organizing a bus from your city, fill out the easy-to-use form at:http://www.internationalanswer.org/campaigns/j18/j18contacts.html#list (if this link does not take you directly to the form, please scroll down) Help spread the word! DOWNLOAD FLYERS athttp://www.internationalanswer.org/campaigns/resources/index.html (If you are unable to download a flyer, call 202-544-3389 or 415-821-6545 to have an original copy mailed to you.) For LOGISTICAL INFORMATION (directions, housing, parking, etc.), go to:http://www.internationalanswer.org/campaigns/j18/logistics.htmlYOUTH & STUDENT ACTION: JAN. 18-19http://www.internationalanswer.org/campaigns/j18/students.htmlTo ENDORSE, go to:http://www.internationalanswer.org/campaigns/j18/j18endorse.html (scroll down) ********** FOR MORE INFORMATION:http://www.InternationalANSWER.org http://www.VoteNoWar.org dc@internationalanswer.org New York 212-633-6646Washington 202-332-5757Chicago 773-878-0166Los Angeles 213-487-2368San Francisco 415-821-6545Boston 617-522-6626Sign up to receive updates (low volume):http://www.internationalanswer.org/subscribelist.html International A.N.S.W.E.R.Act Now to Stop War & End Racismwww.InternationalANSWER.org

Oh yes. You bet I’ll be there to spew venom. After all, that is what I do best. Come to think of it, that is all I ever do. Don’t under-pay me though. I may have to throw another hissy-fit and that would be bad for the cause-of-the-day, what ever that may be.

Will you little mind-numbed robot maggots...err... I mean fellow anti-Americanists be joining us next weekend in D.C.?Here is a list of hopfulls:Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney, Dem. GeorgiaRev. Jesse Jackson, Sr., Founder and President, Rainbow Push CoalitionNew York City Labor Against the WarSan Francisco Labor Council (AFL-CIO)Dr. Hans Christof von Sponeck, former director of the UN Oil for Food ProgramRev. Graylan Hagler, Senior Minister, Plymouth Congregational ChurchMuslim American Society Freedom FoundationBlack Voices for PeaceBishop Thomas Gumbleton, Auxillary Bishop, Catholic Archdiocese of DetroitRev. Herbert Daughtry, National Pastor, House of the Lord Pentecostal ChurchMumia Abu-JamalGlobal ExchangeRev. John DearPatti SmithJessica LangeJaneane GarofaloNational Lawyers GuildBrenda Stokely, President, District Council 1707 AFSCME; Co-Convener, New York City Labor Against the War1199 SEIU New York's Health and Human Service UnionCharles Barron, NYC City CouncilmemberIFCO/Pastors for PeaceFree Palestine AlliancePartnership for Civil Justice - LDEFBayan USA-International Nicaragua NetworkMuslim Student Association of the US/CanadaKorea Truth CommissionInternational Action CenterKensington Welfare Rights UnionMiddle East Children's AllianceMexico Solidarity NetworkNational Association of Letter Carriers, Golden Gate Branch #214Howard Zinn, Peoples' HistorianMichael Letwin, Co-Convener, New York City Labor Against the WarNot in Our Name ProjectMichael Tarif Warren, attorneyChuck Turner, City Councilor, Boston, MARon Kovic, author (including “Born on the 4th of July”)The Right Reverend William E. Swing, Episcopal Bishop of CaliforniaMichel Chossudovsky, ProfessorWomen's Strike for PeaceWomen for Mutual SecurityYork College Student GovernmentNational Alliance Against Racism and Political RepressionDr. James Tate, Executive Director, National Alliance Against Racism and Political RepressionMichael Parenti, author/lecturerRuby Sales, Director, SpiritHouseKriss Worthington, city councilman, City of BerkeleyBlase Bonpane, Ph.D., professor, Los Angeles Harbor CollegeHelen Caldicott, M.D., President, Nuclear Pollicy Research InstituteCenter for Constitutional RightsGreen Party USAVoices in the WildernessVeterans For PeaceSchool of the Americas WatchNew York Youth BlocPhysicians for Social ResponsibilityFellowship of ReconciliationUnited for PeaceBoard of Directors of Peace Action of MichiganPeace Action of San Mateo CountyCleveland Peace ActionPeace Action group of Mendocino, CACalifornia Peace ActionNational Network to End the War Against Iraq (NNEWAI)MADRE, An International Women's Human Rights OrganizationWESPAC FoundationSpiritHouseAnti-Flag & A-F RecordsDC Statehood Green PartyGray PanthersSan Francisco Bay ViewCommittee in Support of the Iraqi PeopleStrategic Pastoral Action Network (SPAN)SALAAM - South Asian League of Artists in AmericaThe Vanguard Coalition, Pace UniversityTexas A&M University Campus GreensZengakuren (All japan Federation of Student Union)University of Oregon Students For PeaceNew York Youth BlocCoalition for Peace and Justice, Charlotte, NCStudents Taking Opposition PeacefullySudanese American Society (SAS)Islamic Circle of North AmericaSag Harbor Coalition Against the WarHigh Country Citizens for Peace and JusticeCollege Voice, College of Staten Island – City University of New York (CSI/CUNY)Terre Haute Stop War on IraqStudent Voices for Peace, New Mexico State UniversityAlaska Action CenterFlorida Friends for PeaceBronx Community College Committee Against the WarHaiti Action CommitteeBrown County Women's International League for Peace and FreedomYullah.com - National Arab American Event DirectorySouthwest Washington Institute for Peace and Social JusticeCentral Vermont Coalition for PEACEVietnam Veterans Against The War Anti-ImperialistCitizens for a Peaceful Response (CPR) DetroitStudent Coalition for Peace and Equality, University of Maryland at Baltimore School of Social WorkSt. Stephen Catholic Student Center, University of Northern IowaNortheastern Univ. Campus Against War and Racism (NUCAWR)Asia-Wide Campaign Against U.S. and Japanese Aggression and Domination of Asia (AWC)Grandmothers for Peace InternationalNew Zealand Peace CouncilIndianapolis Peace and Justice CenterVeterans For Peace Chapter 87 – SacramentoCalifornia Peace and Freedom PartyCentral Vermont PeaceYale Coalition for PeaceBryn Mawr Coalition for PeaceBus Riders Union8th Day Center for JusticeAction Coalition of TaosCentral Nebraska Peace WorkersDAWN: Dupage Against War NowLake Merritt Neighbors Organized for PeaceFresno Center for NonviolencePeace and Justice Alliance of Central WashingtonSocial Justice Center of MarinSOA Watch Binghamton, NYLouisville Committee to Stop the War Against IraqBergen Action NetworkMetro JusticeUnitarian Universalists United for Peaceful AlternativesCalifornia Prison FocusStudent Coalition for Peace & Equality (SCOPE) at University of Maryland Baltimore School of Social WorkCentral Committee for Conscientious Objectors (CCCO)Center for Economic and Social RightsUniversity of IL - Chicago No WarChicagoland Anti-War NetworkThe Chester County Peace MovementVeterans for Peace-NYC ChapterPalestine Solidarity GroupNorthampton Committee to Lift the Sanctions and Stop the Bombing in IraqFranciscan Center for Social Concern at St. Bonaventure UniversityLake Merritt Neighbors Organized for Peace (LMNOP)Brainerd Area Coalition for PeacePeninsula Peace and Justice CenterStudents for Peace and Justice (a project of the National Lawyers Guild), Georgetown LawWomen's Congress for PeaceLabor Council for Latin American Advancement (LACLAA)Nurses for Social ResponsibilityFood Not Bombs, HobokenSouth Bay Mobilization to Stop Sar (SBMSW)San Jose peace centerCentral New Jersey Coalition for Peace and JusticeSeminarians for Peace, BerkeleyGraduate Theological Union, BerkeleyChicago Coalition Against War & RacismPeace Resource CenterGlobal Justice Movement (North NJ)Chicago Anti-Bashing NetworkFirst Unitarian Congregational Society in Brooklyn, NYCasa Maria Catholic WorkerCommittee Against WarThe Chester County (PA) Peace MovementOcean Beach Action CouncilSeptember 11th Coalition for Justice and Peace - Washington University in St. LouisHoughton College - Evangelicals for Social ActionSan Francisco Bay Area Progressive Challenge Western Mass. Stop the War AllianceAlliance for DemocracyVenceremos BrigadeDoctors for Global HealthAmericans for Democratic ActionBerkeley Chapter Episcopal Peace FellowshipEuropean Peace Movement (MEP)University of Michigan Peace GeneratorsCedar Valley Churches for PeacePeace & Justice Coalition, Prince George's County (MD)North Alabama Peace NetworkMuslim Student Society of Hudson County Community CollegeAll-African People's Revolutionary Unification PartyUtica Citizens in ActionAnti-War Committee-PakistanCatholic Mother's for PeacePeconic Bay Meeting of the Religious Society of FriendsEuropean Women for PeaceCommittee Against the U$ Empire (the CAU$E)Citizens for PeaceBricklayers and Allied crafts #3 SF, CADePaul Students Against The WarUniversity of Minnesota Clericals AFSCME Local 3800Focus on American & Arab Interests & Relations (FAAIR)Plowshare Peace and Justice CenterDes Moines Catholic WorkerAmerican Medical Student Association, New York College of Osteopathic MedicineAdirondack Voices for PeaceFire Fighters For PeacePeople's Coalition Against WarYoung Muslims North AmericaHousing Rights Committee of San FranciscoGeorgetown University Law Center Students for Peace and JusticeQuestion War University of MississippiMilwaukee Food Not BombsBaptist Peace Fellowship of North AmericaMontrose Peace and Justice CenterMetro DC Committee of CorrespondenceWomen in Black - Salem, OregonWomen in Black - Gulfcoast, FloridaWomen in Black - Gilroy, CAOffice of the AmericasNo Blood For OilBaptist Peace Fellowship of North AmericaUnited Church Of Christ/National OfficeCentre for Research on GlobalisationBerkeley Fellowship of Unitarian Universalists' Social Justice CommitteeCLASP (Caribbean & Latin America Support Project)Texas Death Penalty Abolition MovementInternational Association of Democratic Lawyers, IndiaIslamic Society at TCNJAl-Qalam, Institute of Islamic SciensesModesto (Ca) Committee for Peace in the Middle EastCGIL University and Research Trade Union (Florence)West Virginia PeaceWomen's International League for Peace and Freedom, Mary Wood branch, Springfield ILCampaign Against War at the University of IowaNorth Texas Coalition for a Just PeaceWest Virginia University Students for Economic JusticeWest Virginia Antiwar CoalitionOhio Fair Trade Campaign NetworkConscience InternationalStudents' Administrative Council - University of Toronto Radical Student Union of UMass AmherstFilipino Workers Action Center, SeattleDelta Force, University of KansasNortheast Wisconsin Peace NetworkCoalition Against War & Racism (Toronto)Anti-War CommitteeStudents for Peace & Humanity – SUNY (State University of New York) at Stony BrookStony Brook Coalition Against War – SUNY (State University of New York) at Stony BrookEl Dorado Peace and Justice CommunityWomen Against WarNassau Community College Students for an Egalitarian Society (SES)Alameda County Peace and Freedom PartyProposition One CommitteeThe Augusta Coalition for Middle East PeaceUnion of All-Japan Students CouncilUnion of Hosei University's Students, JapanWestern Mass. Mobilization for MumiaShalom Center For Justice and PeaceJune 1st Peace CoalitionSouth Bay Mobilization to Stop the WarFellowship of Reconciliation (FOR) - Palm Beach County, FL ChapterSan Francisco Green PartyMendocino Environmental CenterHitec Aztec CommunicationsHaymarket People's FundWorld Peace 911Tokyo East Timor AssociationShepherd GreensMillsaps College Campus GreensSocialist Party USAChildrens' Developmental Center, Dallas, TXUNCW GreensLeft Party, SF, CAMad Anarchist Bakers LeagueAnimal Outreach of KansasSocialist Action, San FranciscoDeep Freedom BrigadeR.I.S.E. - Radio Internet Story ExchangeSocial Action Committee, St. Marys Catholic ChurchLadyfireSouth Asians for Collective ActionMaradeka/Peace Camp (Philippines)10th Department Organization for Haitian Empowerment (10th DOHE)Austin Latina/Latino Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual & Transgender OrganizationThe Cause: A Socialist Teen 'ZineDoubts About War (DAW) University of GeorgiaStanford Open Space AllianceYoung Communist LeagueMost Holy Redeemer Peace and Social Justice GroupPoorhouse ProductionsShawnee Mission East Breakfast for PeaceEarth Rights InstituteCarolina Friends School Student Environmental Action CoalitionCitizens for Fair LegislationRev. James DiEgidio, General Presbyter, Presbytery of San FranciscoDr. Dorsey O. Blake, Minister, SF Church for the Fellowship of All PeoplesSr. Bernie Galvin, cdp, Exec. Director, Religious Witness with Homeless People, San FranciscoReverend Dr. Karen Oliveto, Bethany United Methodist Church, San FranciscoReverend John Marsh, Minister, Unitarian Universalist Church of San FranciscoReverend Richard Helmer, Christ Episcopal Church Sei Ko KaiReverend Ron Geikow, St. Mary and St. Martha Lutheran Church of San FranciscoBrother Thomas Zaccheaus, St. Boniface Church, ANSWER ActivistPastor Jeffrey Cheifetz and Session of Christ United Presbyterian ChurchRev. Dr. G. Penny Nixon, Senior Pastor, Metropolitan Community Church of San FranciscoRev. David M. Hindman, United Methodist clergy, Wesley Foundation at The College of William and MaryThe Reverend Noel E. Bordador, The Episcopal Church *Rev. Tom Query, Minister - Presbyterian Church USARev. Faith Nitz Ballenger, Evangelical Lutheran Church in America*Rev. Ross H. Walters, Eureka Christian Church (DOC)Rev Max B Surjadinata, United Church of Christ*Rev. Kurt R. Amburgey, Middletown, OHRev. Frank P. Morin, St. Ann ParishRev. Jerome Katz, Cortland, NYRev. Michael Denton, Faith United Church of ChristRev. James E. Flynn, Roman Catholic Priest, Heber City, UTMinnie Bruce Pratt, writer/teacher, The Union Institute & UniversityMartin Espada, poetLeslie Feinberg, UAW Local 1981*NO WAR South Australia- Network Opposing War and RacismPeace Coalition of Southern Illinois/Fellowship of ReconciliationKansas City Iraq Task ForceGlobal Coalition for PeaceCommittee for Peace and Human Rights - Boston, MABay Area Iranians for Peace & Social JusticeHoboken Food Not BombsCoalition for Peace and JusticeSouth Jersey Campaign for Peace and JusticeJustice for PalestiniansReno Anti-War CoalitionWorkers World PartyThe Engaged Zen FoundationProposition One CommitteeThe March For JusticeAustin Democracy CoalitionTurnwindCommunist Party USANukewatchCampaign Against WarCouncil of Peace – South AmericaWe Won't Shop CampaignHorizons ProjectNJ Independent AllianceLaBOR aRT & MuRAL PRoJECTA First Amendment CenterSexual Minorities ArchivesNew Zealand Peace CouncilCUE, Long Beach, CAThe Citizen Mobilization for Peace & Social JusticeInstitute for Poverty Awareness and Education, IncThe United Peoples, DenmarkTasmania Coalition for PeacePalm Beach Treasure Coast Green PartyThe Justice XpressExperimental DV CollectiveWhite Rabbit CultGreen Party of Pima CountyAnarchist Action of RochesterCenter New Realities, SwitzerlandCatholic Worker Kommunity RadioNorthland College Peace ClubDakota_Lakota_Nakota Human Rights Advocacy CoalitionIndian Association of LawyersSocial Action Council - First Unitarian Church, Dallas, TXThe Orlando Film SocietyWe Are Michigan, Inc.People's Coalition Against WarCoastal Convergence Society of Huntington Beach CaliforniaMothers Putting Their Foot DownFirst Church of Common SenseIllinois Clemency Project for Battered WomenIrish Republican Socialist Committees of North AmericaFreedom Road Socialist OrganizationGRANMA, Inc.Westside Greens PartyA. Church Women United, Northern Ca./Nev. B. Quantum Leap 2000Karim International Development Services, Inc.Young Liberals of Northern CaliforniaA Job is a Right Campaign, Montreal, CanadaWriters for Peace and Well BeingQueers For Racial & Economic JusticeBabylon Art and Cultural CenterNew Jersey Cop WatchARISE for Social JusticeTraveling Anarchist's NetworkACTLaborGroupsThe Non - hunters Rights CoalitionEarthhope Action NetworkOne People's ProjectClean Money UnitedFlyby NewsPatriotic Response to Renegade GovernmentThe JvL Bi-WeeklyHeartland ReviewCitizens for Global Peace & JusticeNational Black Police AssociationCouncil for the National InterestRed Wing Resistance MovementCape Cod Green PartySafe Earth AllianceSquaresville Records/Clowncrack.comRepublicons.orgCampus Greens of the University of HoustonInternational Socialist OrganizationTEA Society (Society for Teaching Educational Activism) - Kansas City, Mo.Global Pastry Uprising/Rainbow Affinity TribeSt. Mary’s College Television StationHarvard Divinity School Students for Animal JusticeAmerican VegetariansAwarComp Awareness through CompassionThe Peace TreeNational Committee for Radiation VictimsEvery Church A Peace ChurchVoter MarchRadical WomenLand Minds, Not LandminesEarth Repair Foundation – VictoriaWang Dang Doodle Music SocietyCobleskill Sustainability CollectiveHeart of HerbsTrack 3 Connections, Inc.Save Bombat Committee (SBC)Student International ForumHuman Rights OrganizationFreedom Socialist PartyNorth Texas Independent Media Center (NTIMC)Greater Louisville Local, Socialist Party, USACoalition for Equity-Restorative Justice (CERJ)Socialist AlternativeFlorida Friends for PeaceWaking PlanetConcerned Citizens of Leisure World, Orange County, CaliforniaCampus Greens of Allegheny CollegeRiverhawksDos Pueblos: The New York -- Tipitapa Sister City ProjectLong Island Friends of WBAI and WBIXHomeless Organizing Movement for Empowerment (H.O.M.E.)Suburban Resistance NetworkSinodo Luterano SalvadoreñoAction NOW!Open Wide Workers CollectiveCenter for a Livable WorldMandala Center for Awareness, Transformation, & ActionNew World Evolutionary Socialistsirregulartimes.comCuba Education Tours and Books CollectiveSt. Peter Peace CoalitionChurch Divinity School of the Pacific, an Episcopal SeminarySexual Minorities ArchivesGray Panthers of Metro DetroitCampus Peace & Civil Liberties Coalition, California State University – FresnoTacenda Literary PublicationsHitec Aztec Communications.anti-ego. of San Francisco and New YorkInternational Palestinian Advocacy NetworkDiskarte NaminNYCR - New York Climate RescueBanglaPraxis, Dhaka, BangladeshRights Forum, Dhaka, BangladeshThe New Wine GroupAll My RelationsMedia KreepsReality News NetworkSite for Social Actionthe matthew showAttraction RetreatLittle Friends for PeaceGreater Port Jefferson Outreach Center, Ltd.Joe Public FilmsWar Times newspaperCitizens for Fair LegislationLong Prairie River Stewardship ProjectDogs for Democracy/Paws for PeaceSatya MagazineThe Barefoot Pope Peace and Civil Liberties UnionConscious Movements CollectiveSustainable Communities Biodiesel RoadshowRo Sham Bo ..ProductionsHop-Frog - Experimental Music CollectiveThe Commercial Meat Factory - WPMD 1700 AMSumner Academy's Outreach: HumanityCoalition to Prevent the Erosion of Human RightsFamily Therapy Center of Taossix monthsHarris County Green PartyProgressive Direct Action Research Group (PDARG)Taking Action for Peaceful Solutions, Butte, MTSullivan PeaceMedical Mission Sisters: Alliance for JusticePacific Green PartyModesto Peace/Life CenterMartin-Baro Fund for Mental Health and Human RightsThe Empowerment CenterOrange County Peace and Freedom PartyThe Real Democracy ProjectNorthern California Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and SocialismMike Collins Public RelationsTogether Forever Changing & People for Peace and JusticePoets for Global JusticeLinn County Green PartyGreenaction for Health and Environmental JusticeAmericans Against War with IraqKansas City Green PartyA Sense of PlaceOpen Door DesignPublic Appeal for Nonviolent Resistance Against Armement and War, GermanyNew Democratic Party, Socialist Caucus, Ottawa-ChapterJVR Music ProductionsGreen Party of El Dorado CountyZionists for PeaceAmerican Literary (AmLIT)Earthhope Action NetworkWhite Dog CafeEscalante Wilderness ProjectMarin Peace and Justice CenterMorristown Universalist-Unitarians United for Peaceful AlternativesCentro CSOProut International - Kentucky branchAnanda Marga Yoga Society - Kentucky branchProgressive Women's Spiritual Association - Kentucky BranchWord Salad PublishingReportagebyran PrestandaTompkins GangZIPPIE! (A derivative of the Youth International Party)NukewatchAll Nations Evangelical ChurchThe Healing SpiralCommunist Party, USA's Frederick Douglass ClubEarth Friend FarmDominican Sisters of San RafaelAlienCranberryJust Peace: Middle East Advocacy Group of St. Bartholomew's Church, New York CitySt. Bart's and the World group at St. Bartholomew's Church, New York CityPeace MattersBreakdown, University of Toronto MississaugaEast Timor Action Network/San FranciscoPeace On Earth ConcertNorthwoods Peace InitiativeAnathoth Community FarmGrandmothers for a Just WorldYoung Democrats/Young Independents, Student-Liberty High SchoolVoice of FreedomWorld Mothers Acting for Peace (WorldMAP)Anti-Racism Committee of Stand for PeaceGlobal Pastry Uprising/Rainbow Affinity GroupStudents Taking Opposition Peacefully (Stop), Cherry Creek High SchoolWings of LibertyNews From BabylonSolidarityThe Peace AbbeyMusicians & Fine Artists for World PeaceFoundation for Human Rights in GuatemalaChurch of the Universe Chapter Mission Montagne de DieuPhoenix Therapy GroupLove Makes A family Inc.Jerry Hyde, United Methodist PastorJahahara Alkebulan-Ma'at, National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America (N'COBRA)*Shirley Bryant, Authors & Artists*Rev. 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More great news in today's Washington Post (01/10, pg. A6):"Assuming a relatively quick and inexpensive war and full implementation of the Bush tax cut, [chief economist at Standard & Poor's DRI David] Wyss said the deficit should reach $275 billion in 2003, compared with the $109 billion deficit projected by the White House in August. BY 2004, that number would reach $305 billion. Those numbers are identical to estimates released yesterday by Morgan Stanley Dean Witter...

Clone of the Attack is brilliant!A recent Washington Post article pointed out that most of Huseein's capability to create weapons of mass destruction was provided by... you guessed it! Washington!! Reagan - yeay!! way to go gipper!! Incidentally, for those suffering with selective amnesia, Bush father was his Vice President. Was he out of the loop on this too?

Sorry, guess it didn't work. But you can see one of them at www.punkvoter.com -- click on "Pictures." The one I tried to forward is "Clone of the Attack"

I'm going to try to post a couple of pictures here...not sure if this will work...

Thank you so much Franklin that's a damn good pic for my purpose...oh and "Mrs Bush" I'm not much for patriotism and I'm a bit young, but I don't remember clinton as being into war as a "solution" .... i have no respect for president bush and most of the younger generation that actually think for themselves believe that war is not the appropiate means for getting your way or making yourself look good....because that is what it's all about ...looking good it seems to me that bush is just gonna fuck up and stick his nose where it doesn't belong, as the government usually does, and get us all killed...anyway no one appreciates my ramblings so i'll not waste anymore of my time and message space

No Chester, we're not. It sure is pretty though but don't care for the winter there.Here's quote from today's Washington Post (January 8, 2003; pg. A6 "War's Cost May Dwarf Stimulus Effect"):"Clearing away the clouds over Iraq would open the paths for expansion, regardless of what the Bush administration is proposing," said Robert DiClemente, a managing director at Salomon Smith Barney who has studied the potential impact of an Iraq war on the U.S. economy. "That is undoubtedly the biggest obstacle to expansion right now."

You guys from Canada?

Twynkie, go to the "Lyrics" section of this site, then click on "1-2-3-4" and then go to the hyperlink from "Georgie Georgie Monkey Boy" and you'll get a beautiful original picture, taken at the White House this last year.Wow!! Is that THE Barbara Bush? Visiting our site!!! What an honor!!!Well, if you really are THE Barbara Bush, can you tell us why your husband lied so much about never having been a part of the Iran-Contra conspiracy? And if he really wasn't involved, how was it that he was cut out of the loop so badly? And if he really wasn't involved, why did he pardon all of the criminals convicted by the courts for their roles in all of the Iran Contra criminal activity? Please "Barbara", do tell us.

I would tell you Twynkie but I have a feeling it won’t put George in a positive light. I am sure you will be blaming him for all the ills in the world today. Why don’t you just substitute Bill Clintons picture instead. I am sure that all the things you will blame George for apply to Bill as well if not more. Thanks.

well if they are supposed to be that way then *thumbs up*...and what not.......does anyone know where i can find a really big pic of geroge w. bush's face to print out?? i really need to know i'm doing an assemblage art piece that must have his face as a focal point....sorry if i sound like some dumb little teeny bopper but i have no time to explain....live long ....speak loud....play hard

Holy Shit, what an opus! I look forward to reading it.